SOLIDARITY TO THE ANARCHISTS-REVOLUTIONARIES D.FESSAS, M.TSILIANIDIS, D.DIMTSIADIS, S.TZIFKAS AND TO COMRADE G.SKOULOUDIS

Posted on April 23, 2011

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SOLIDARITY POSTER FOR ANARCHISTS COMRADES IN THESSALONIKI

translated by Actforfreedomnw!boubourAs

                                                                                            

“Burn every political prospectevery alternative culture
discover your individual subversion
do not be advised by the codes of behaviour of those who define normality
and discipline

Regain your individual autonomy as the starting point for the total
subversion of the existing society

Reverse the imprisoned reality which the media produce and let your
imagination dance free beyond taboo and inhibitions

Remember that the spectacle is decorated with bodies which sink the
reality under ghosts

Freezing the passion and life through prefabricated terror scenario which
just like gangrene  spreads its death song

Do not get trapped within the mass alienation which is the spiritual
prison of capitalism and the state

For them to see it destroyed will not be happy image for them

Freedom demands the total destruction of authority

The destruction of their world which is built on the chains of sacrifice
and pain of thousands of people

For an insurrectional life and for a continuous attack on their castles”.

SOLIDARITY TO IMPRISONED ANARCHISTS
D.DIMTSIADIS, B.TSILIANIDIS, S.TZIFKAS, D.FESSAS, G.SKOULOUDIS.

Los piratas de nuestro barco-fantasma!

Thessaloniki- Letter by Dimitris Fessas from inside prison

December 14, 2011

Involving me in this case is clearly a trick aimed at spreading more mud and dirt in which to bury imprisoned fighters…….

Letter by Dimitris Fessas from inside prison

The story goes like this:
In April 2009 a municipal policeman reported that he was attacked in the centre of Thessaloniki by someone trying to steal his cap. He then refers to a witness – a ghost who, as he says, later disappeared without giving his name. This witness-ghost from Navarinou Square, he says, had seen someone get on a motorcycle of a different colour and with different characteristics to mine. In the police department the municipal policeman doesn’t recognise my photo and the police don’t bother me at all. Two years later and because I’m already on remand, the police remember this ridiculous story about the municipal policeman’s hat and call me again for an interrogation.
My involvement in this case is clearly a trick aimed at spreading more mud and dirt in which to bury imprisoned fighters.
Here we are not seeing anything new, the recipe is old and tested, although lately its use has become more frequent. Examples of fighters who have been prosecuted with no evidence are many. A contradictory testimony and an unreliable DNA test are enough for anyone to be prosecuted.
Their ultimate purpose is to extend my stay in prison, and to break my spirit. Beyond this, the frequency of this practice combined with the time of its appearance (the gradual collapse of the Greek state) shows that it is part of a general experiment. Its purpose is the testing of reactions and resistance under pressure of specific social groups which the State wants to strongly control.
As time passes and the situation in Greece gets worse, we will witness increasingly intense and frequent experiments of this kind. Therefore, we from our side, we have to make sure that the results of their experiments will be negative, we have to ensure that this insatiable State machine will not swallow up our people with ease.

On Thursday 15/12/2011 at 09.00 am I will be presented before the investigating judge to ”confess” to this incredible charge. Anyone who is waiting to see my mental resilience weaken with this ridiculous case will discover that a few handfuls of mud are not enough to put me down.

Dimitris Fessas
Diavata Prison
Thessaloniki 14/12/2011

ps:

On 13/1/2011 comrades Fessas, Tsilianidis, Tzifkas and Dimtsiadis who were wanted since 13/10/2010 for Skouloudis case are arrested in Athens and accused of consisting and participating in a criminal organization. The three are imprisoned in the 1st wing of Koridallos prisons and Tzifkas in Avlona prisons.
The system attempts the isolation of dozens of our comrades who are right now confined in the modern hellholes. The continuation of the struggle as well as the strengthening of consciences is a battle that has not been lost. Inside and outside of the walls the looks of all those who do not bow the head, who deny to subject will continue to meet with every way.

TRIAL DATE SET FOR COMRADES SKOULOUDIS, TZIFKAS, DIMTSIADIS, FESSAS, TSILIANIDIS. THESSALONIKI

February 24, 2012 by actforfreedom | 1 Comment

The court for the comrades was set for the 21st of March.

The comrades are accused of torching vehicles of the greek National
Electricity Company on October 13th 2010 in Thessaloniki.
For the specific action, was arrested and is imprisoned comrade Giannis
Skouloudis,
who has taken the responsibility.

Comrades Tzifkas, Fessas, Dimtsiadis and Tsilianidis were arrested on
January 13th 2011 since there were arrest warrants out in their names for
the same case.
As well they await a second trial for other charges attributed to them.

SOLIDARITY POSTER FROM THESSSALONIKI:

ALWAYS AT WAR                              
UNTIL INDIVIDUAL AND COLLECTIVE LIBERATION.

with the hands digging escape routes
and the feet tireless
opening paths of conflict,
our thoughts will become vicious shadows
and our shadows will meet
again and again
under the sun of constant revolt.

OUR EYES SHINE IN THE DARK

SOLIDARITY WITH ANARCHIST REVOLUTIONARIES D.DIMTSIADIS, G.SKOULOUDIS,
M.TSIALIANIDIS, S.TZIFKAS.

together with those who dared
with those who fight at any cost
with those who refused to subdue
with those who chose to live in rage
with those who against our times did not bend
with those who proudly supported their choices.

hearths of refusal

POSTER SOLIDARITY CALL- WITH ANARCHISTS TZIFKAS, DIMTSIADIS, TSILIANIDIS, FESSAS – Thessaloniki

December 26, 2011 by actforfreedom | 0 comments

                                                     SOLIDARITY WITH ANARCHISTS

                                           TZIFKAS, DIMTSIADIS, TSILIANIDIS, FESSAS

              who are called to appear before the felony council of Thessaloniki for the extension of their  imprisonment.

…when the revolted

take positions and

attack everything

which imprisons them,

only then will we celebrate.

And our hearts will

synchronize with the

beat of the relentless

battle for the destruction

of this world…

This will be

our last celebration!

 WEDNESDAY 28/12 9.30AM                                                                                        THESSALONIKI COURTHOUSES


Letter from Haralambos “Babis” Stylianidis

On November 16, 2011, Haralambos “Babis” Stylianidis (see the latest Greek anarchist prisoner list for more information about him) was brought to the Thessaloniki Courthouse. Upon entering the examining magistrate’s office, Stylianidis declared: “I am a revolutionary anarchist and I refuse to take part in these proceedings.” Nevertheless, the prosecutor and examining magistrate presented him with a new charge, this time for burglarizing the accounting office at AHEPA hospital. The only piece of evidence against our comrade is a headscarf that, according to the police, contains his DNA and was found near the hospital. Two days after his appearance at the Thessaloniki Courthouse, Stylianidis released the following letter (in Greek here):

On Monday, November 7, I was handed a summons to appear before the prosecutor at Regular Hearing Section Number 5 of the Thessaloniki Court of Primary Authority and give a statement regarding charges of burglary, simple complicity in burglary, and illegal weapons possession.

The ironic part of the whole matter was that I didn’t know—and I still don’t know—what burglary I was being summoned for, since the piece of paper that reached my hands mentioned neither the place nor the date of the burglary’s occurrence. Of course, when my lawyer asked to be informed of the details, the response he received was: “We can say nothing until the defendant himself makes an appearance.” At the same time, a rumor was spreading about a headscarf containing a sample of my DNA that was found near the unknown site of the burglary.

I obviously didn’t show up, as I considered it an aggravation to make that journey of over 1,000 kilometers round-trip—a day-and-a-half in the transfer vehicle, with me in a 1-square-meter cage for 10 hours.

Regardless of the act being attributed to me (and whether or not I had something to do with it), what I did during the previous examination and formal interrogation proceeding for the prior cases in which I’m being charged, just like what I did during the six-month formal investigation, is exactly what I will do during the upcoming trials.

I refuse to converse, on either a personal or political level, with any authority “in charge.” Otherwise, I would be legitimizing in my conscience, the conscience of my comrades, and the conscience of my enemies a proceeding in which some—whom, of course, I bear hostility toward—are deemed fit to judge the anarchist struggle.

Beyond the issue of whether or not some anarchist took part in the acts in question, I view the criminal persecution of those in struggle, my recent prosecution, and the captivity of dozens of revolutionary anarchists as part of a general conflict between different values—as part of the social-civil war.

This is about an attempt by the state to strike fear into revolutionaries so that they cease their activity, an attempt to stop the spread of anarchist ideas and practice.

Their intention is to discourage young people from taking action.

Therefore, under no circumstances will I do the judicial authorities the favor of playing their little legal game, seeking an alibi of innocence, and exposing my personal life to them. Under no circumstances will I appear before them as “certainly troubled, but basically a good honest kid.”

Under no circumstances will I give them the gift of a chat, not even now. I will remain consistent with my desire and the commitment I made to myself and my comrades to keep being myself and honorably continue the Struggle, without conversations with my persecutors.

I will not regurgitate the language of domination, claiming my innocence or guilt like a parrot.

I acted in accordance with my conscience, I am against the capitalist-democratic system and authoritarian civilization, and I support every method of struggle that is in keeping with my values and contributes to the intensification of the struggle, regardless of whether such method is characterized as “legal” or “illegal.”

In addition, the goal of anarchist struggle is the destruction of hierarchy, and thus it can be nothing but illegal in the language of domination.

This is further demonstrated by the street confrontations around the world, the attacks on targets of domination, the development of polymorphic structures and infrastructures of struggle, and the continual propagandizing and dissemination of revolutionary anarchist discourse.

Forget about all the many ways repression can intensify. No matter how much repressive tension increases, no matter how many years in prison they make us carry on our backs, no matter how many of us they keep prisoner, THE VERY WILL FOR REVOLUTION CANNOT BE IMPRISONED, ISOLATED, OR SILENCED.

The anarchist/revolutionary struggle continues and will continue to be expressed under any condition, defying all costs.

On November 16, when I am summoned for the second time to give a statement in front of those who have locked thousands of people up in prison, I will remain silent in order to allow the deafening noise of the clash between two different worlds to be heard—a noise that is getting louder.

My solidarity and respect to all who, through their actions, smile at us while wounding authoritarian civilization.

To the anarchist prisoners of war, who continue their struggle inside prison.

—Babis Stylianidis; Monday, November 14, 2011; A Wing, Korydallos Judicial Prison

On 13/10/2010 comrade Giannis Skouloudis is arrested red handed just as he had torched a vehicle of the Greek Electricity Company. Immediately 4 arrest warrants are issued for close friends and comrades of his, while he is imprisoned in Avlona prisons, accused of participating in a criminal organization.

On 13/1/2011 comrades Fessas, Tsilianidis, Tzifkas and Dimtsiadis who were wanted since 13/10/2010 for Skouloudis case are arrested in Athens and accused of consisting and participating in a criminal organization. The three are imprisoned in the 1st wing of Koridallos prisons and Tzifkas in Avlona prisons.
The system attempts the isolation of dozens of our comrades who are right now confined in the modern hellholes. The continuation of the struggle as well as the strengthening of consciences is a battle that has not been lost. Inside and outside of the walls the looks of all those who do not bow the head, who deny to subject will continue to meet with every way.

letter from Babis Tsilianidis, Dimitris Dimtsiadis, Socrates Tzifkas, Dimitris Fessas

4/03/2011

This is why you my lads with the sword, the fire and the rage in the mouth I want you to come out naked in the cities, as the viper goes through the gardens of barley with its proud eyes furious as the lightnings streams through the youth.”

13/10/10

A refusal to surrender and an all in for freedom…

A arson is carried out on a vehicle of DEI (national electrical company) in the center of Thessaloniki where is arrested our brother and revolutionary anarchist Giannis Skouloudis. And are published based on testimonies of cops, 4 arrest warrants for us.

The dilemma lasted very little and began the unfortunately short journey of clandestinity (even though short, it included in the absolute degree the sweetness that the conscious decisions of life and their militant applications can give to those who ignite it). A journey that we consciously chose to lead us to new ruptures with the existing and not afraid followers of an orbit that the antiterrorist force and its judges had set. We had to survive and in order for this to happen we stopped feeling like victims and hunted and anointed ourselves perpetrators and hunters. Anyway defeat for us was and is an unknown entity. We recouped therefore and decided: “Lets go again, this time to the end”. We published the first pamphlet of the Collaboration of Individuals for the Achieving of the Negative, we read a lot, we learned more, we prepared with caution and distress new small and big stormings to the sky, we planned new hostilities with the state, its society, its values and ethics.

13/01/11

Royal flush of the greek police

Now they should speak to be saved they should cease to dream in order to live…

The DAY is still far away and they are afraid not to kneel as you are afraid also.

Now they should speak to be saved, they should cease to love and to live.

The captain says: speak

The whip says: speak

The night says: speak

But the night is little and the comrades and they cut their tongues with their teeth, as you would do also”

After nine days of surveillance (something we realized the last 3 day but wrongly believed that we suffer from a persecution syndrome and we are seeing “undercover ghosts”) the bad thing happens. Three of us are arrested from helmetwearers in the small streets of Vironas area and the fourth in a house by some greenwearing dudes with bulletproof shields and automatic machine guns. We are transported to GADA (police headquarters of athens) with hoods over our heads, with our escorts giving a recital:

We are for the action

You are only for texts.

We have the superior firepower.

This is what a surprise approach is. etc.

There we remained standing, naked, with hoods and turned to the wall for many hours declaring only that we are revolutionary anarchists. Followed an informal process of questions that also took hours while they transported us without reason to the corridors in order for them to take the first photographs that they would give to be publicized. Our refusal to give prints met an affirmative: “- I did not ask you, you will give them even if it means we have to break your fingers, it is an order of the interrogator.” The first three proved too little to “convince” us therefore they mobilized 7 or 8 individuals.

They slammed our heads on the tables, they stepped on ankles, they twisted our arms to the point that they were completely numb, they hit and bent our fingers in order for them to swell, so they can take them by force.

Until Saturday when we were transported to Thessaloniki, but also from Sunday to Tuesday, we remained in cells 2,5m by 1m denying to eat or to drink anything.

Finally, they took our photographs with 2 holding us while we wore handcuffs and one pulling us from the hair. When later it was asked from us to sign testimonies, to give this way our prints and DNA officially, we reminded them that we have learned to be careful where we put our signature.

(Note: it is unnecessary to mention that what we publish is in order to transfer the experience to those who perhaps will go through it in the future and surely not to complain for our trampled rights, since we have buried them along with our obligations to society)

Tuesday we were transferred to Koridallos and Avlona in order to continue now, our inside the walls struggle for freedom and the revolution.

This round never finishes….

The rebels turn once again …..

A few dozen anarchists, revolutionaries, guerillas of all tendencies are in the prisons of Greece.

Locked up (and not defeated) because they lived and because they acted as it suits every person that fights against power, as an institution and as a relation, as it suits every person that stands proudly and with audacity against their era.

And they are not defeated because the hostilities do not seem to cease. Because the carriers of absolute refusal of this world, despite that the blows multiply, mainly become more stubborn.

And our times, are a big bet for the construction of the chaotic army, a big opportunity for one or even better for a lot of vital and irreparable blows to the social structure and its smoothness.

Before however we reach today let us introduce ourselves.

Revolution in first singular

Even though our choices, our struggles, our arrest is only one small piece that completes the revolutionary mosaic of our era, we feel the need to expose our courses, our theories, our experiences in order to communicate with those who fight contributing to the dialogue within the anarchist revolutionary community.

Our identity anyway we never hid. We are also a piece of the anarchist movement, we promote inside and outside of it the revolutionary/individualistic analysis, mature (and not suburban) child, of experiences and also conditions of the 21st century.

1. And individualism of the 21st century is not reported neither in its idealistic imprinting by office workers that lived 100 years ago, but also neither its “martyric” realization by our desperate -communists in theory-French and Italian grandfathers. Anyway, in our practical-theoretical toolbox there is the tool of critical analytical thought and our influences will not be identical with specific theories of the past.

The Why

We lived therefore and we live a life that does not cover us: materially and intellectually. We also met, as well as the rest of the social total, the relations of authority and exploitation, the moments of boredom and emptiness that were offered to us via the modern way of life and its idos. In short, we lived and we live an alienated life in which it was IMPOSED on us to function as producing-machines in order to make richer those who possess a higher place in social hierarchy. A condition which we ACCEPTED learning and finally, wishing for what it offers to us, having forgotten what we really need. We became consumers of materials and spectacles that were transformed into objectives of life. Our life fluctuated and fluctuates between 100 disgusting musts, of the schools, universities, jobs and 100 even more disgusting wants, for social devolution, getting rich, over-consumerism, snitching, mediocrity. Our life remained closed in apartments, bombarded with advertisements and television messages and wandering in front of thousands of cameras or often ascertained by the guards of order.

We felt the loneliness, emptiness, mediocrity, the subjugation. We felt the chains deeply in our skin and our brain. However we took our own responsibility for this situation, first as a perception, and then we decided to act in the here-and-now not able to wait inactively for the conditions “to mature”. Anyway, without excluding a collective insurrection it would not cover us if it happened with economic motives from a mass of people that will function as such, aiming simply at a painless relaxation of our chains, or even, at a total reform of the existing world, with a realignment. We therefore began our own struggle. And we decided to arm ourselves…

Everyone has a responsibility

If the refusal of a slave life meant also the move of war against the administrators and their guards, its final destruction is stuck and sticks on the acceptance that comes from the remainder of the (self)enclosed in it.

The enemy is everywhere, and the cop is in our brain:

Patriarchal relations, xenophobic deliriums, uniformed wishes, installation of microcameras in small shops, need for safety and calmness, the vote of many of us, competition and ass-kissing in school and at jobs. Values and relations that were definitely promoted from above but for sure were adopted from below. Small or big contracts and self-enslaved acceptances of each person cannot be justified. VALUES, however, are realized by CHOICES, and to deprive the force of refusal from yourself, is one of them.

Our war therefore first and mainly is a war of values, with whoever retains one way or another, the social structure concrete. Thus we did not want to become neither the avant-garde of a ductile massive dissatisfaction nor an elite that fights against all. Understanding the faculty from above to split the annoying for them classes and groups, re-collectivizing them into a fabricated argument of safety, and supplying them through secure airtight channels, we stopped referring to totals and groups of people that had been defined as revolutionary subjects in the previous centuries and we defined as a revolutionary subject the individual.

For us everything begins from the configuration of an individual-revolutionary conscience that is prompted and prompts its carrier to dispute the sovereign way of life, its institutions and to realize its share of responsibility in the perpetuation and maintenance of the existing system. To deny and to attack in the end anything that maintains or evolves this world and its destroys its life, seeking freedom.

From the me to the us

The human being however is a social being and when its need for communication and collectivization is expressed simultaneously with its individual awareness but also the knowledge of the strength it hides in its brain and hands, blooms what we name revolutionary-individualism. Is built, simultaneously, a negative collective conscience that in its extension abolishes roles, identities, relations, institutions and creates, increased qualitatively and quantitatively, time-space dykes that are capable to create authentic, individual/collective experiences of struggle, capable to realize the revolution every moment via the permanent deregulation of social balances.

We are the death rattle of this society

The social body for us cannot be faced as something homogeneous and be characterized either as an ally or as an enemy. It consists of various social groups that are composed from various individuals. The relations that are developed in its gut are permanently altered depending on the clashes, balances and contradictions of each era but simultaneously and diachronically, also altered models of deep alienation, imposition of force and exercise of authority. The social body is finally nothing for us, but a battlefield. A struggle that can become the property and ground of co-formation for those who consciously listen to it, organize it, enrich it but at the same time clashes with those that do not. And if therefore we claim that our struggle turns against this but also every society, obviously we do not mean that it targets all the individuals that compose it as candidate victims. Such a thing would be contradictory and impasse because whether we like it or not we are a part of it as well.

It is simply that we believe that the existence of a mass human society itself, creates institutions, hierarchies, specializations, oppression, the exploitation of nature. We live in it and we shape in its interior a powerful minority that conspires against every of its expression and undermines its perpetuation, organizing it again into structures of fighting camps (based on characteristics of conscience) and applying from now into practice the existence, collaboration, solidarity even the potential polemic between small autonomous communities.

And let us remind that the struggle for us is a product of the lack of freedom and self-definition and not the result of any economic inequalities and the “evident” exercise of authority from some collectivized subject against one, beforehand, collectivized object. For us the economic conditions are only a accelerating explosion as long as we manage it smartly.

Welcoming…

The economic crisis, another opportunity of struggle,

one more opportunity for the revealing of meaningful judgement

The negative decides, The inevitable cannot be neutralized and takes positions in the beginning of the last adventure. And this time, no one will come out alive from here”

Social conditions are not a stagnant situation but differ depending on the time-space economic situations. It is very important for a revolutionary to analyze them and take them under consideration, in order for his action to be more effective. And obviously we do not speak of change of values or arguments, but of the accuracy and better aim of actions but also words.

In the era in question we live in a period of social crash-test in the form of an economic crisis. We see a new sharing of wealth from the bellow to the above. The dilemmas that we did not anticipate to place to the “neutrals” were placed by the enemy. Testing their resistances, they remind their position in the social hierarchy and make the situation evident, for those who are not blind. Obviously it has a cost…

And we are not referring obviously to the increase of criminality. This will meet so much the repression as well as its management in order to extend the feeling of insecurity that it has create. And the pie uneaten and the dog full. (old greek proverb)

Sovereign will generously offer what they know will return the labour surplus value and the freedom of the feared citizens. News Bulletins, cameras and cops.

On the other hand however…

Albania, Ireland, Greece, France, Portugal, England (yes, England), Arabic countries, the permanently agitated Latin America. The hibernation of social conflicts has been interrupted. And it is exactly as we imagined it. This force is not but:

Partial but also unforeseen.

Demanding yet also conflictual

With national characteristics but a carrier of class hate.

Ready to return home and also ready to remain for ever in the streets.

Using blind violence but simultaneously giving essential moments of resistance.

Cut into pieces but in the beginning of a rudimentary process and an embryonic collectivization.

The first shaking was given by the enemy itself. And the second one is obviously our own obligation.

The ignition of the civil revolutionary war, the social polarization now looks even more feasible. The responsibility of the anarchist/revolutionary movement is to light up the wick that will ignite this particularly explosive social condition. And obviously it will not be a simple process. Besides, “it needs hard work, it needs persistence and a smile and a way”.

The intervention in the partial struggles, the terms, fermentation, the “alliances”

You are waiting for a revolution? So be it, mine began a long time ago! When you are ready (what endless waiting!) I do not mind riding a little together with you. When however you stop, I will continue my insane and triumphant path to the important and paramount conquest of nothing! Every society that you will build will have its limits. And outside of the limits of every society, disobedient and heroic vagabonds will wander around with their wild and sacrilegious thoughts – planning even newer and more frightening outbreaks of insurrection! I will be among them.

And after me, as before, their will be those who will say to their friends: “bow to yourselves rather than the gods and idols. Find what you hide inside you and bring it to the light, reveal itself”.

Because each one exploring within, extracts whatever mysteriously has been buried in them, it becomes a shadow that will overshadow every form of society that can exist under the sun!

All societies tremble when the despised aristocracy of vagabonds, the excluded, the unique, dominators and conquerors of the ideal of nothing, advances decisively to its sacrilegious and liberating work.

Therefore, iconoclasts, ahead!”

Especially this period the mixture in the social pot can be characterized flammable.

It would be our mistake to leave these occasions to be lost. An even bigger one of course, would be for us to be absorbed by the dissatisfied crowd. What we are saying is that we can and we should extract from this the minorities that are not satisfy with walks, voting, symbolic clashes.

We do not have anything to lose therefore from our intervention in the social struggles, as long as we go there with clear intentions. Deviation, communication, diffusion, but at the same time the protection and simultaneous propagation of our aims. The critical attendance is what can, to us take “things” forward and not the identification or the blind following of each claim.

Not all struggles are the same, no matter how you look at it. And the contradictions first and mainly strike the anarchists that participate in them.

The “mind cops”, teachers that give away expulsions, specialized knowledge and values of this world not a few times have turned into fighting schoolteachers, truck drivers that clashed with the MAT wore ancient Greek t-shirts and applauded king Konstantinos. The “hero” immigrants, our “damned brothers” (most of them atleast) do not seek anything other than to devolve and live the “western dream”.

In order to not be misunderstood and in order to finish we should stop speaking of totals of people, even more in their name and search the moments, the relations, those refusals that can’t be absorbed by the demands and can be turned into a real danger for the state and its society.

Lets embrace those who are ready first of all to deny their role (immigrants, schoolteachers, doctors, generally the “oppressed”) and to constitute the revolutionary community that does not request, but fights.

Our bet is here, open for each one that stops victimizing their existence and read the force within them.

Lets be intelligent, lets be crafty, lets stand next to those who fight. Lets stop getting excited and consuming spectacles of struggles, lets become essential, experience the substance, sow the chaos we have inside us.

The contribution of anarchists in the intensification of social oppositions, their organization, the revolutionary prospect….

For those who perceive the gravity of this era (or better the gravity of every era) and the importance of the anarchist/liberating/revolutionary struggle in this, its imperative we ask the following question.

What do we do?

The ways of organization, our structures, the means of struggle, their intelligent management, the language that we use, the points of connection and rupture with whatever certain struggles, the objectives, immediate and future. Subjects which have received thousands of approaches from the fighters, the revolutionaries, the guerillas of every land and every era. The question of organization and the objectives of the revolutionary community has a lot of aspects and we are committed to approach them analytically in future texts.

At the moment we judge useful we present en brief our own approach and point of view.

From the individual realization until its gigantic grow through collectivization

The meeting of the individuals that have realized that the modern way of life does not cover them is the first step for the growth of subversive action and the process of fermentation of liberating ideas and practices. This meeting is achieved via the creation of informal groups, collectives and affinity groups (on a first level between friends). In them the individuals apart from going more organized into action, can communicate their perceptions, reflections, refusals and wishes, their fears and their dreams. These re-groupings, at least as we have experienced them, despite the sincere intentions and their many times effectiveness in the objectives they put, have the negative element that, because precisely of this relaxed relation between the individuals, in time they are weakened and finally dissolved with a portion of individuals that composed them to turn disappointed to privatization.

The bet for the transition from the friend-group to the organized minority infrastructure

The transition from the group to the organized infrastructure is not a question of utilization of certain excessive and substantially empty words. It lies within the perception itself and the organization of our refusals. It is the attempt to demean and experience the words: responsibility, commitment, consistency, continuity, development, comradeship, devotion. The participation and organization in a revolutionary infrastructure has requirements. Requirements that are obviously decided collectively from all participating on the base of respect in individuality but also on the common passion to fight. An entire world remains to be discovered, another remain to be demolished, no only by friends but from comrades and co-fighters.

Circles of self-education, practical knowledge, thoughts for the future of the struggle, setting up strategic plans that are judged advisable to be used, moments of experienced attack and in particular in duration of time. The relations thus tighten and keep well shut the door to hierarchies, specializations, the silence in the conversations from the “shyest”. Simultaneously, the common experiences, the progressive convergence of theories, the coordinated henceforth rhythms welcome to the team the significance of development but also the fast diagnosis of the conditions (internal-external) that result, making thus more accurate the intervention, correction or even the polemic against them.

At this point it would not be pointless to mention the question of means. The bipolar legal-illegal means should immediately be surpassed by every fighter, not however their careful choice. It is not only that each case is judged differently, i.e. that the distribution of texts can be more effective in one case, while in a other an explosive mechanism can do “the job better”. This obviously and is in effect leaving it to the mature judgment of those who know not to fetishize but also not to excommunate.

For us the events, flyposting, protests, clashes in the streets, the smashing and the paintbombing, the dynamic practices of direct action compose the united and multiform revolutionary struggle. The distribution of our word and our acts, can be carried out in many ways. If somewhere we simply want to draw the attention of the new comrades, it is that they are careful not of what means they are using, but the way they do it.

Conspiring (or as it has been said “the will for anonymity”), the low profile, the carefully arranged appointments, the games with the word so not to identify i.e. the writing on a poster, with the writing of an attack action, are matters that should not be exceeded quickly, from the new revolutionaries.

And obviously we do not speak of segregation of people that fight into illegal and legal. The language of the cops is impossible for us to reproduce. On the contrary, we judge necessary the guerrilla word relates and is not hostile to the public.

Perhaps simply we should revise the ways i.e. we distribute a leaflet or flypost or on the other hand we should learn to use the word, to have the possibility of making the enemy seek us in a foggy landscape. We do not want to extend ourselves more publicly, we are simply transferring our thoughts for those who continue and dare to fight, for them to judge and evolve them.

Concluding, we are beside and we have big confidence in the new generations of revolutionaries, that they will exceed our own errors and anchylosis and as our own generation they will deliver to the next more complete, more targeted, harder, more careful experiences of struggle from those that they received.

The infrastructures of attack,

the diffuse revolutionary guerrilla,

the myths, reality, the sycophancy

Revolutionary action itself, even the fact that we equip ourselves, that we prepare ourselves, the fact that we do actions that violate urban legality, creates a conscience, an organization, the revolutionary conditions.”

For decades, the anarchist movement in Greece (and we obviously are not referring to any official bureaucratic and leftist version of it), because of theoretical disagreements, internal frictions, small time politics, fear, insistence on the spectacular approach of violence, remained primarily uninvolved in the issue of armed conflict with the forces of the state, leaving the “responsibility” to the armed organizations of the left (with a few but luminous exceptions).

Itself the spectacular image of armed struggle, in combination with its demystification, so much from the perpetrators, as well as the “spectators”, reproduced armed conflict but also more generally guerrilla action as a condition to be managed only by certain specialized commandos. The margins for those who saw the necessity of these forms of struggle, was shifted by the attendance in them, and fluctuates somewhere between the gossip in cafes and the clapping while sitting on the couch.

Obviously, the years from the change of regime until 2002, the participation of anarchists in social mobilizations (that many times took intensely conflictual characteristics) but also the low intensity guerilla (smashings and arsons with a lean reasoning accompanied by a formal expression of solidarity to the each time imprisoned fighters) brought substantial results so much in the numerical increase of the a/a movement, as well as any vested experience of direct/conspiratorial action.

The dissolution of the R.O. 17th November, was a decisive point for those who perceived the necessity and importance of continuing armed action.

The gap of the blows, that would inspire other fighters, that would hurt the picture of the “omnipotent” state, in the times of the most shameless compromise of the Left, began to be covered by armed groups with a more intense anarchist/antiauthoritarian characteristic and phraseology.

A few years later, in the frames of dialectic development, were born groups and organizations with a clear anarchist phraseology (even if they used or use “heretical” speech).

The revolt of December 2008, acted as a catalyst and multiplicative for these groups, for the guerrilla tendency of our era, for the firmament of what is called, not unfairly, new urban guerrilla.

The definition of “new” is not used in order to break it away from its roots, the historical deposit it received, autonomize it temporally in the continuity of struggles that have been expressed historically (an impossible thing anyway) but in order to reveal the by us necessary and fertile ruptures with the theoretical quivers that were delivered to it.

The urban guerrilla of our generation did not speak from choice, with economic or defensive terms in order to justify its existence socially.

It engraved and engraves its own orbit speaking experiential, direct and accessible, not so much in order to be consolidated in the such ductile social conscience (if in the end it exists as a united piece), but in order to constitute/co-form exclusively with those who fight, the revolutionary community and its own conscience.

It was and is, so much a component of a wider radical and multiform struggle, as well as a PERMANENT PROVOCATION (INVITE) for anyone interested, a PERCEPTION of MOVEMENT IN THE URBAN FIELD, A WAY OF LIFE.

It is a fact that it did not seek social acceptance but the INDIVIDUAL AND COLLECTIVE COMPLICITY.

It is of no interest to us even now, if not hostile, the criticism, the “understanding” or the claps of the couchlovers, the progressive, those who do not fight (and we are not referring only to armed struggle at this point) and they are not the criterion for us to act, for us to live. Simultaneously, if its something we really anticipate is so much the critique as well as the co-formation of common struggle, of those who with a thousand ways fight and dream the destruction of this world.

New urban guerrilla of course, crossed and crosses its own course, a course that obviously knew and overtook its own errors and contradictions, something which happens in every healthy evolutionary course of a tendency and proposal of struggle.

The self-criticism of those who compose it, whether behind the bars, or via the continuation of the hostilities themselves, constitutes for us a basic element in the promotion but also its continuous readjustment on the significance of permanent improvement, felicity, sharpness.

The deep good intention of self-criticism submits the ideas in a tireless and exhaustive interrogation. The verdict with the adequate strickness that suits the attachment to the revolutionary case, decides unscrupulously the rejection of the handlings that rest henceforth in the the quiver of the opponent. It sails without delay from the sentimental anchorage, blows up without leaving traces the remains of the false conscience, it destroys unhesitating what disorientates it and also delays it.”

It is absolutely natural and beautiful in the frames of an innate and recently conscious/experienced liveliness and appetite for action exists so much enthusiasm and hurrying. These two basic components of the character of a new revolutionary is necessary they are accompanied by their suitable management so as to avoid a pointless expose to repression. The war that we conduct is endless, each move should be well weighed and well-processed and not a product of compulsion.

We must learn to separate the war with the enemy from its underestimation. Big dreams are not necessary to be accompanied by big talk but by well-aimed actions and critical analyses.

We should be aware that critique and rupture with the official and orthodox revolutionary line of each era includes a big responsibility for those who practice it. The responsibility for the organization and the strengthening of their own “tendency” and not the occasional pastime with it.

The relations and awareness are surely not made only in the amphitheatres but also on the action, on our common experiences. We shall find the balance between the will for action and in the will for theoretical fermentation. The balance between the quality and quantity of the objectives and the quality and quantity of our relations and our analyses.

We should guard the secrets of revolutionary war from the hobbyists. The struggle needs dedicated people to intensify it and it cannot bare any more silent privatizations, retreats, renunciations when things go bad.

We seek the essential and experiential imprinting of ourselves, our co-fighters, our tools of liberation, the significance of destruction in our own lives. Lets exile the spectacular depictions from now on from our brain activities.

If there is an indirect reference in some of our experiences, exposing them publicly and direct, it does not happen in order to give more food for clusters of inactivity and to experts on the subject, gossipers.

We are nothing but a small but proud minority of this tendency and having the conscience for the clearness of our choices and for the surpassing of our own mistakes we want to share the experiences of our journey. Our small defeats and our big victories. Victories that cannot be measured in military terms (at least not only in them) but are an alloy of moments and experiences that we acquire as warriors of the revolution.

The damage (small or big) that we cause to the enemy, the happiness that we experience being 100% devoted to the struggle, the overcomed fear during an attack, the smiles after its done, the precious relations that bore and bear, the organizations and groups that in the difficult times continue, those that now with audacity spring up…

This list still writes.

Because history counts the silences, but surely also counts the struggles and our struggle will have no end.

The bet we put has already been won. The names of organizations and fighters are of no importance anymore and our war cry was met in the hearts and the thoughts of those who will not die as slaves in this shit world. Already new revolutionaries, new guerillas process our structures and choices of struggle.

And as long as this chain does not break, our own involvement, our own small ring in this cannot be considered lost.

Concluding...

The connection of revolutionary infrastructures, the informal networks of coordinated action, the construction of the chaotic army

The negative recognizes the vastness of the duties its called to serve. It restores in the historical limelight the meetings that were avoided, whether because they skewed from the rota and the needs of time or because of wrong handling”

Communication, the co-ordination of action, the joint appointment of issues, the exchange of critical opinions, mutual aid are the next step for the organization of rebels, for the qualitative and quantitative upgrade of the struggle. The diversity in the perceptions and practices, the autonomy of each infrastructure (as that of the individuals that compose it) should not mean also split action, at least not continuously. On the contrary this diversity if communicated, cultivated, connected with fertile terms it is the wealth that is jointly shared by those who fight. What is in the first place necessary, is the conquest of the conscience of COMMON STRUGGLE. Then can spring up (and we stress not necessarily) collaborations, fermentations, co-sailing. The exchange of theoretical disagreements but also the exchange of information of actions can bring so much the co-formation of common public speech resulting in the biggest and better-aimed possible approach as well as the co-formation of common objectives and appointment of issues resulting in the biggest wound to the enemy. Henceforth individual development and awareness will be developed simultaneously so much with the collective as well the inter-collective. The horizontal-chaotic networks of multiform anarchist/revolutionary action are a feasible process, a process necessary, in order to compose as much as possible, the cut up community of refusal but also in order to signal from before, the end of every effort of its hierarchical structure.

From the illegal radiostations to the occupations. From the attempts of counter-information and publication of printed material to the assemblies of solidarity. From the sabotage groups to the armed organizations. From the groups of guarding and medical or legal coverage in the demonstrations to the networks of support of fugitive comrades. Lets learn from the movements of the enemy and the co-ordination of its forces and do the same. Or even worse. The unification of this world in a “single unbeatable destructive force”, should become the aim of the revolutionaries of today.

A first attempt of constituting such a network of struggle has already been put into action. The informal anarchic federation-international revolutionary network that is comprised by groups and organizations from the whole world aiming at the co-ordination of action and the approach of thematics gives its own point of view of organization of the struggle. Safekeeping the rules of conspiratorial, people that perceived the existence of their common references and places of connection, practice and theory set up and evolve via their communication from the written published speech a platform of thought and action. Something proportional should be in the planning by the imprisoned rebels all over the world. Something proportional can and should be created in the all fields that where the revolutionary war is expressed and the anarchist/liberating struggle is composed. It is in our hands, the organization, strengthening, deepening, enlargement, the collectivization of our refusals. The times demand it the consciences require it…

Lets prepare the construction of the chaotic army…

We were and we will be a piece of those who fight for the connection and not for the rupture of forms of struggle.

We also believe that the hands of each one are capable of making both types of lead to rattle.

We promote and support the polymorphy of the anarchist revolutionary struggle without hiding our longterm objective:

the multiplication of guerrilla organizations, the social polarization, the civil revolutionary war as an essential condition for the crushing of the social machine.

In this effort of ours, in the effort of organizing a guerrilla front, on the 13th of January we were arrested and on the 18th of the same month we were led as prisoners of war to the prisons of the enemy.

Confinement does not mean defeat

There is also that point in the course of a revolutionary where he/she will fall into the hands of the enemy. Territorially, the captivity of an adversary of sovereignty will be in the prisons, while the time-line fluctuates -from a few months up to decades.

What leads however a revolutionary to captivity is nothing other than her/his choices. The situations that we experience are shaped based on the decisions that we have selected to put into application and in future defend. As anarchist revolutionaries, it is obvious that we know and in the end should contemplate that each choice is accompanied with the equivalent cost. Inside these frames, every revolutionary knows or at least SHOULD know (experiential and with a historical base) the particular cost, from the loss of social bonds and imprisonment, up to death and to be prepared for this.

From the biggest loss, we have learned to gain everything

Each revolutionary planning, happens with a complete analysis of all fields of its application (apprising the conditions) and surely its results (in all aspects). This price, many times is under the form of punishment. Sovereignty, firstly knows that no correctional system is able to functions in the way with which it was initialized, when it is applied on a conscious enemy of it.

Thus, the incarceration of revolutionaries, does not aim in their punishment but:

1. Their material extermination, the quantitative reduction of revolutionary potential.

2. The cutting off of the revolutionary from the fields the social and revolutionary fermentations and activities.

3. Making an example that is addressed to those who attempt or even think of the carrying out of each subversive thought or plan.

Finally, incarceration in shackles of the enemy attempts to reveal the spectacular supremacy of sovereignty, the militant conflictual of comparison (“I have caused x wounds to the enemy and it has caused v wounds to me”). A message like “look who has the upper hand” addressing the neutral social body.

When the punishment finds us proud and ready to face it, it loses its real use. When on the other, fear dominates over us and influences our every choice, going above the substance of the choice itself, then the latter loses its revolutionary character.

Stubborness – force – continuity of the struggle totally and wholly

In every revolutionary exists innate a powerful dose of force. It is the same force that exerted-exerts and will continue to exert on the existing. The friction between revolutionary forces that attack against the state develops a bidirectional relation, a relation of aid or alleviation, which mainly depends on the continuation or not of its application.

More simply and specifically: half of the force and the stubborness that a prisoner shows comes from the individual itself. All the remainder is an aid that comes from the continuation of the struggle itself. No, its not the actions of solidarity – exclusively- that will give strength to a prisoner. Its the actions of solidarity as a partial application of the struggle that you continue expressing. The stubborness that will be shown from those outside functions additionally with the stubborness that will be shown by those inside.

Both however concern the TOTAL application of the revolutionary anarchist struggle and depend on it.

We recognize, therefore, that only this would have importance on the application of any revolutionary planning. The fighting continuity consistency on the pre-agreed frames. Besides, to this we commit ourselves. From there after, each hostage or not revolutionary owes to do the same.

The war today requires it.

The hostilities continue

And the crops grew and bared fruits.

But the birds, did not approach because a scary figure was guarding.

Time passed

and the black birds multiplied and grew hungrier.

Until one morning, they could not take it anymore.

They stopped being afraid and they attacked the sleepless guardian of the field.

And while their beaks tore it apart, they realized it was only a scarecrow. Realizing thus that their biggest enemy

the one that made them starve

was their own fear.

From now on nothing can stop them.

From now on the flooded with wheat land belongs to them.

And the war continues.

In the foggy battlefield we continue to dash armed with revolutionary dignity and stubborness. The enemy attacks also in return. Some of us will fall in their hands, other will even lose their life.

However as long as one of us still breathes, in any corner of this planet the dykes are rebuilt and the plan will continue to develop.

And look!

New battles approach and this time we will be readier than never. Our ranks are staffed with new comrades, our structures are organized and our practices developed.

The result of the war does not interest us anymore, besides each one of us imagines differently the celebrations of victory. All of us however are expressed by this war because very simply the consequences of this peace ate at our guts like carnivorous worms. We could not do differently. We could not leave fucking fear to march undisturbed in our hearts. We looked it in the eyes and this made it step back.

It is the pride of our choices that makes us not care of the consequences and the reflection of our dreams in the eyes of comrades that gives us strength to continue.

Our day dawns and the enemy can be slightly seen from far away. We have the wind against us and the sun blinds us. But the bodies of the opponents are rotten because for a long time now illness has been dragged in their land.

Lets go therefore comrades, lets attack in the name of revenge, in the name of our ego, in the name of freedom.

Lets go therefore comrades, we have already won.

Lets go and crush them and get crushed in the effort.

It is sad to write on a page with the heart wondering: and after what?

But we are devoted to the struggle. Or to achieve our loss. Its bound to happen and thus someone of us inevitably is lost. And then the idiots will shout, stubborn anarchist! Who however can comprehend the storm that roars in our brain? Who can understand our insatiable hunger for joy, for life? Who can perceive our victory over human cowardice?

We are alone. We did not find a group of daring and risky, ready to participate in the struggle for the conquest of life. Consequently we were beaten and one of us was lost.

But always the other remains always with the look nailed on the horizon. It cannot, it should not deviate. This is our destiny. Will we find, we wonder, comrades on our course? And if not, again, each one taking his own lonely course will disappear silently or noisily from the scene of this world? A chapter closed, a chapter full of fights, hopes, delusions. But, the end has not come yet. This is all i have to say.”

Text of revolutionary Kostas Pappas

As for us… We remain standing, we remain unrepentant, we remain proud for our action, our choices and the comrades that will evolve them.

SOLIDARITY AND UNITY TO THOSE WHO FIGHT INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE PRISONS, HERE BUT ALSO EVERYWHERE HOLDING THE BANNERS OF LIBERATION HIGH

Long live the revolution

Long live the new urban guerrilla

FREEDOM FOR EVER

Babis Tsilianidis

Dimitris Dimtsiadis

Socrates Tzifkas

Dimitris Fessas

4/03/2011

P.S. 1: Consciously we did not refer in our first text on the diagnosis and interpretation that we give to the recent repressive mobilization. The question of governmental counter-attack towards those who fight and dispute its omnipotence obviously concerns us, and we will try to approach it in the near future.

Now we can make two small references.

We declare publicly that the anarchist Fee Meyer has no relation with us and what we lived or chose. Her only implication is her friendly relation with one of us and a coffee in Thisio that was finally proved bitter. Our solidarity even now that we heard of her release, is a given, since she will continue to be dragged in courts for a case she has nothing to do with.

Our parents and our friends have no relation with our choices (unfortunately and at least for now), so it would be wise of the antiterrorist force and the cops to stop HARASSING AND BULLYING individuals of our close environment.

We judge useful these facts and such movements are published IMMEDIATELY, in order to show the role of EL.AS (greek police) and its new tactics, not as a whine but as one more element of polarization and clearing out of fighting camps. Camps that henceforth, and if we judge from the movements of the thugs that raise their hand more than they should, it appears our mothers, fathers and friends are also entering.

P.S. 2: We thank those who stood and stand next to us. We stole enough strength from the strength of those who were in the courts in Athens/Thessaloniki, those who broke the climate of terror in the neighborhoods we lived, those who we found out that they think of us, those who honoured us accompanying our names with dynamic actions of attack.

Simultaneously, let us to ask something from those who feel what we mean. Solidarity to the prisoners of war has a meaning when it is simply another reason to fight, another reason of war. Don’t bite on this climate, we should not spend ourselves on the question of solidarity, and limit ourselves to this.

For us there is no stronger sense of warmth and solidarity than the continuation of hostilities, especially in this era, especially in this condition.

DONT STOP THE STRUGGLE EVEN FOR A MINUTE COMRADES

RAISE THE SAILS AGAINST THE WEATHER

boubouras translations

actforfreedomnow!


Sunday, November 7, 2010

LETTER FROM GIANNIS SKOULOUDIS FROM AVLONA PRISONS

Early hours of wednesday October 13th during my escape from the parking area of vehicles of the Public Electricity Company, following the arson of some of its cars, I found myself surrounded by cops. After that I was led, with the handcuffs behind my back, to a regular car of the greek police, waiting for the fire to extend as they said, in order to begin my transfer to g.a.th. (police headquarters of thessaloniki).
The moment in time of my arrest constituted also the beginning of the permanent psychological war that followed, with the known tactics of the greek police regarding the handling of such situations. The range was big. From “brotherly” advices of idiots and comments such as ” you see enemies we dont” to humiliating characterizations against me and my comrades. From friendly questions in comfortable spaces with orange juice on the house, to long interrogations of a threatening character in a effort to exterminate and offend my dignity. From house raids, to warrants of arrest that aim in the targeting and penalization of my wider friend and comrade cycle. All this in the light of the new and evolved antiterrorist policy.
Right now I am imprisoned in the prisons of Avlona. I realize this position, not so much as a detainee that is persecuted for his actions, but as a prisoner of war that is in a hostage situation in the hands of the enemy. In a space of isolation, role of which is the control and marginalisation of any element that constitutes danger and threat to the regimes plans, is cut off away from the frames of legality, compromise and subjugation, disturbs the normality of social flow and does not comply to its rules. Any element that is not productive in the social web, does not apply rightly the function that has been imposed on it to practise under the dogma of order and safety, and does not contribute to the promotion and maintenance of the humiliating and degrading way of life. Finally, whoever fights, is organised, attacks and aims to the appointment of revolutionary war that comes to shake the foundations of the modern capitalistic world.
I therefore am in favour of this revolutionary war, in favour of the multiform revolutionary process and development, main supplies of which are the refusal of the existing, revolutionary conscience and the need for action, that aims to the total rupture and deconstruction of every system, relation and ethic that oppresses the free person, having already recognized and feeling ready to face the cost of my choices.
For these reasons I take the responsibility for the arson attack, in Thessaloniki on the crossroad road of M.Alexandrou and Edison street, in the parking area of vehicles of the Public Electricity Company. Wanting with this hit to revael one more hostile aspect, one more piece of the government owned mechanism.
SOLIDARITY TO THE 4 COMRADES THAT ARE PERSECUTED FOR THE SAME CASE
COMRADE GREETINGS TO ALL THOSE THAT CONTINUE FIGHTING INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE WALLS.
Skouloudis Giannis
Avlona Prisons
November 5th 2010
boubourAs translation actforfreedomnow!In the early morning of October 13, 2010  a van belonging to the Public Power Corporation (DEI) was torched in downtown Thessaloniki using an incendiary device made out of camping gas canisters, gasoline, and a fuse. The vehicle was completely incinerated, but 19-year-old comrade Yiannis Skouloudis was arrested “in flagrante delicto” (“caught red-handed”). That very morning, the same police-media operation we’ve seen so many times began: Pigs raided the homes of comrades and family members, seizing computers, flash drives, and anarchist literature, while reporters celebrated the authorities’ “resounding success.” But the prosecutors and judges didn’t stop there. According to them, “there must be an organization,” so four arrest warrantsFour comrades, ranging in age from 19 to 22, went into hiding. On Friday, October 15, people assembled in solidarity in front of the courthouse where Skouloudis was being arraigned. Minor clashes broke out between comrades and police inside and outside the courthouse, with injuries on both sides (including to Skouloudis’ mother). The courthouse and a nearby police van had windows broken. On Monday, October 18, Skouloudis appeared before a judge and took responsibility for the DEI van arson, but he refused to testify about anything else. The next morning, he was transferred to the Avlona Special Detention Center for Minors, where Panayiotis Masouras is currently locked up on charges stemming from the Fire Cells Conspiracy case.

Sunday, January 16, 2011

2nd Letter of Giannis Skouloudis from Avlona prisons


“Oh,Β
lessed hour, you gave me all the feverish intellectual intensity, I love you! I would not exchange the bitterness that you caused me with all the mediocre sweets of the world, I would not give the fevers that hammer my head, that burn my forehead, for the quietness and the peace of all the cowardly people!”
We are experiencing a reality trapped in the limits set by the net of sovereignty. In a treaty structured from dominating perceptions, basic characteristics of which are compromise and passivity.
In a treaty where the competitive values of consumerism, that so generously is offered by capitalism, are practised on us from the moment of our birth until our death.
Placing therefore ourselves in a permanent and tenacious move of this detonation of revolutionary war and polarisation of the social climate we come into a position to comprehend this treaty. To comprehend that is to say on an evolutionary base, an entire system of relations and perceptions that is carried into the field that is called society.
The modern social trunk shaped via the systemic mechanism of propaganda, shared out into totals and roles and dependant on the social values and institutions, is found in a permanent hunt of devolution and on a permanent search of fictitious needs that will improve the profile of its social position.
Speaking of this complex mesh and of the modern urban landscape that surrounds it we could talk about an ostensibly invulnerable factory of production of foreseeable behaviours and predetermined habits that has as an aim the social inactivation, weakening and taming of any trace of non-agreement and disobedience that could harm the process of reproduction of the status quo.
This field constitutes also the platform on which the revolutionary plan will be developed. It is the rotten building, the old world on which the revolutionary forces should be . It is the base that is the most fertile ground in order for the so healthy insurrectionist desire of refusal and our violent opposition with the sovereignty to bloom.
The desire that springs from the basic recognition that the social situation in which we find ourselves leads our lives to seediness.
The desire that walks on the scale of revolutionary exploration and that invents continuously new ways that will contribute in the total crash of dominating regulations.
The insurrectionist desire that,irrelevantly of how the enemy functions, self-protects and is upgraded, will never cease to exist.
Ahead comrades.
This is the season where we will extend the breadth of revolutionary creation and destruction.
Always at war.
SOLIDARITY AND STRENGTH TO P.ARGYROU – H.HAJIMIHELAKIS – G.TSAKALOS AND TO THE COMRADES THAT A KEPT DECENT ATTITUDE AND ARE ACCUSED IN THE CASE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATION CONSPIRACY CELLS OF FIRE
COMRADE GREETINGS TO THE 4 WANTED COMRADES THAT ARE PERSECUTED FOR MY CASE
Giannis Skouloudis
Avlona Prisons
13/01/11
P.S. And while the letter was ready to be published, I learn that the 4 comrades (Babis Tsilianidis, Dimitris Dimtsiadis, Sokratis Tzifkas, Dimitris Fessas) that were wanted, are arrested and i therefore as a first move send them all my strength. Hold strong brothers.boubourAs tranlate actforfreedomnow! 

Leter from:     Tzifkas Sokratis, Fessas Dimitris, Tsilianidis Mpampis, Dimtsiadis Dimitris

12-11-2010


When EL.ΑS. (greek police) catches the snip.

(epicfail)???????

The events are known more or less and we aren’t in the mood to reproduce them extensively. In the early hours of 13/10/10 the revolutionary and comrade Giannis Skouloudis is arrested while he has torched vehicles of D.E.I (national electricity company), in the center of Thessaloniki. The file case is completed with cop’s testimonies, according to which they saw us passing through that spot a week earlier. This is enough to use the anti-terrorism law, with the charge of “constituting a criminal organization” that from now on hangs over all five of us. In the hours that followed the arrest of the comrade, swarms of cops raid our houses, and also the houses of our family members and friends, in order to find us and any evidence that might tie the case and confirms the indications so far. The most extreme “evidence” that is discovered, is the ID card of someone we know (under aged and totally irrelevant with the anarchist movement) which he had forgotten a long time ago in one of the houses that have been investigated.

So these are the moves of EL.AS. and the anti-terrorist force, that’s how they acted and in the end that’s the way they should have acted.

.revolutionaries don’t bite!

But now we can take the stand:

We were anyway bored of the analyses of the judicial and legal part of the case as viewers and we will not choose them as directly involved. May we be allowed two lines with our own version.

  1. It is obviously that the evidence that involve us in the case does not exist. No, they are not flimsy or ridiculous. They simply do not exist. This of course, is something that we make clear through this text and ONLY (we will not plead it in front of any cop or judge), to all, friends, comrades and enemies, just so everyone knows what’s going on.
  2. We understand that they “had it in for us” and they have to deactivate us. We find it somehow logical, we are also thinking the same about them.
  3. Maybe they have been unable for years to find the evidence that they were searching for, so they decided to involve us in one case in which: OBVIOUSLY we are able to defend publicly as a revolutionary action, OBVIOUSLY we are able to defend the participation of our comrade Giannis Skouloudis in this, but in which OBVIOUSLY, we can’t be charged for anything.
  4. However, as it seems misters and misses of the antiterrorist force and the state security we read the same strategy books, so we interpret any of your moves based on a common war code and we make clear that we are not going to humiliate ourselves in front of you apologizing for something that we never did, as exactly we would have chose for something that we have actually done.

” I was one of them. On the side of those who envisioned to overturn the order of this world. All our defeats, one after another, made us test the strength of the plan. Every time we lost everything to block its path, to obstruct its application. With bare hands, with no other choice. A sob shocks my chest; I’m done with the tangle of thoughts. Brothers they did not defeat us. We are still alive and free to roam the seas.

We refuse your influence on our choices and in our life as a whole, and not only its plotting version. We choose therefore to leave. To leave in order to remain in the substance, consistent to our mirror, conscience and our comrades. This choice is not at all an act of fear. It is the only possible (based on conscience) action in the occasionally rough river of life of an anarchist -revolutionary, that long ago we chose to cross.

And we consider that while we are free we think better, at least concerning our tactful moves that are required from now on, the big contradictions and dilemmas that we must answer, the life choices that we must take during this period we have ahead of the court.

Beyond this, we want in no way to give the chance to the cops to boasting of their somehow extra success. (And we believe that success for them may just be the acceptance of the frame in which they try to detain you when and as they want, but it is double when this is accomplished through fear). We will be straight with everyone.

Keeping in mind, that the lack of evidence isn’t enough (see the case of the arrested for the organization Conspiracy Cells of Fire in September 2009) estimating also our particular political identity that we will not allow to change in front of the fear of any charge even if it “doesn’t hold up”, but also because of the clear stand of our life that will not change so we can become sympathetic or “innocent” in front of the eyes of any interrogator, we are not willing to declare ourselves victims and we deny to give to the enemy what he wants: our revolutionary/conscious suicide through a trip of questions-answers and real or fake alibis of each side, that will in fact rely on the fact that we have nothing to hide.

It is important for everyone to prove individually his/hers autonomy and his/hers effectiveness, so accustomed to act alone with the conscience of a common attempt -to take on its successes and its failures- to learn never to tolerate anyone acting in his name, never substitute the others and discover in the reinforcement of his will for life the practical truth of collective action”

Of course what we lose is also the price of our choice to remain dignified. And the price, believe us is huge. Because besides the personal price of each of us, who is automatically away from his close people (this however we knew very well every moment we envisioned and realized the war as the only life choice for someone who thinks and acts freely and at the same time for freedom, so it found us prepared), there is also a price that costs us as political entities and leave us literally half.

Half, because if the continuous hunt and the ruthless war with the forces of authority covers our need for material conflict against the existing (and this is something that we officially live now), our mind and heart travels to assemblies, riots, setting up revolutionary infrastructures with continuity and consistency, meeting new people, exchanging and configuring conceptions, practices, feelings, unification of common denials and their comradely realization.

And it is this contact with the comrades who were unknown to us before the discussion, the organization of an action or at the moment of an attack, the moment of the configuration of such different worlds, that enriched us, recharged our batteries and regenerated us, in order we are always alert but at the same satisfied that “something good is happening in Thessaloniki, something much better might happen if we try it.”

So this loss is the cost of the choice to leave, but we know and we want from all those that we knew and we could understand each other, to continue weaving the Plan, to continue setting up solidarity infrastructures, counter-information infrastructures, infrastructures for attack, revolutionary infrastructures that complete each other’s action and retain the bet of radical action open to anyone interested. Away from the dogmatism of the old-anarchists and their conceptions and the occasional involvement of students in some demonstrations or live-concerts every now and then. Leaving thus, every event and form of struggle free for participation and development to anyone who wants to, to whoever chooses it, to whoever manages it, to whoever in short has it in them and has really loved it, leading it permanently and without return to an actual conflict not only against the state and its society, but in the end against hierarchy, the cool ones, the oldies, representation, expertise, passivity, the spectacle, through our own procedures. And because what we say are not just words, but a print of conscious decisions, contradictions and questions that lead us to the constant search for freedom, this contact with the people, we will attempt to continue through a -as often as possible- publication of editions of brochures and texts with the same signature we had before this situation (we apologize to some comrades that we incorporate it under these circumstances especially since we don’t ask), the Cooperation of individuals for the fulfillment of the negative, and and this in order to stay consistent with the bet we had made and to continue this attempt even if practically we lose the other people who participated in this. Also, because our suspiciousness against politicians and hierarchy, we clarify that any reference in our case from the regime leftism and it’s followers is anything but welcome (see the anti-authoritarian movement “AK” etc), especially because of the involvement of the antiterrorist law (in our case).

Although we stand alone against repression, we owe half of our power elsewhere.

Therefore the prisoner or the persecuted doesn’t derive strength so much from the pursuit with the case or at least not only from this. Because we as well as Giannis, derive strength from the microphone informing, the presence and the conflicts at the courthouse, not just because there was a reference to this particular case and they came about because of it, but mainly because among these people, who organized the counter-information actions and also who without any loses disrupted the order in the den of justice, we would really like to be and in any other circumstances we would surely be. Because in the end our strength is not so much derived only from the occasions for action of the anarchist struggle in the cities, but from its expression itself, the new counter-information fields, the contact with people, the conflict with the authorities, the disorder in the cities, the creation of new times and places of awareness and simultaneous reading / detection of comradely looks that defy the omens of defeat and prepare to prove them wrong .

As a sign of correspondence.

During the last weeks we watched many arrests in relation to actions of attack. Obviously the punishment through the sentences and prosecutions does not aim only to the immediate accused. It aims in the creation of a climate of fear and embarrassment in the revolutionary community in order to de-activate individuals, at least temporarily, to terrorize and deter others from taking the decision to attack. This of course doesn’t seem to work, since although there are so many imprisoned and persecuted, the revolutionary process is continued and develops through speech and action, and iscontinuously staffed by new people. From the land of illegality, therefore, we cannot but prompt the comrades to continue and to evolve whatever we have left half done or did wrongly. The last thing we would like is that along with us, our dream to be hidden as well. And we really don’t want to see fear and political games to spread out and redivide any collective refusals transferring them to privacy or to bureaucratic and fatalistic assemblies that focus not on the reasons of the attack on the state structures, but the all mighty (?) oppression, that strikes innocent (!), something that has happened more than a few times in the past. Nobody should remain a spectator. Everyone individually is capable of (as long as they choose it) taming the times andreversing the winds. Each one separately but also all together we can overcome our fears but also not allow new fears to overwhelm us. Besides, wemust recognize that to achieve our objectives there were and there will be dozens, hundreds imprisoned and persecuted, dozens and hundreds ofsimilar or more difficult cases. And because we are aware of this condition, lets not stop pointing out towards any direction that futile, as they say, is notthe anarchist struggle, but its combat.

The wild flowers of the revolution blosom.

So here is our ultimate purpose and our plan:

 The deepening, the enrichment and the unification on a revolutionary base of the chopped to piecescommunity of refusal and the simultaneous attack on the deadly calmness of the cities. So if we ask something of those who we loved and those who our life choices have separated us, it’s not solidarity to our own case but without excuses and for all the reasons of the world struggle to build the chaoticarmy, the struggle for the destruction of values, symbols, relationships, ethics generated by this world.

We hope and we are working on the regular renewal of appointments through texts and letters.

The best is yet to come..

We wink comradely at the revolutionaries and anarchists from all tendencies and we encourage them wherever it is possible and without burying the particularities and the differences in the name of unity, to synchronize and escalate their struggle and their actions.

We salute finally, the prisoners and persecuted, dozens of unrepentant revolutionaries that either prisoners behind bars either reversing the terms of the hunter and pray, they keep the revolutionary bet more current than ever, continuing their action regardless of the circumstances.

PROUD FOR THE COMPRADE, FRIEND AND REVOLUTIONARY

GIANNIS SKOULOUDIS

PROUD FOR OUR ACTION, OUR CHOICES AND THE COMRADES THAT WILL EVOLVE THEM

FREEDOM FOREVER

STRUCTURES – ATTACK – HONOR – SOLIDARITY

COOPERATION OF INDIVIDUALS FOR THE REALIZING OF THE NEGATIVE (FROM OUTSIDE)

Tzifkas Sokratis, Fessas Dimitris, Tsilianidis Mpampis, Dimtsiadis Dimitris

12-11-2010

Something that Giannakis really liked, with a big comradely hug and a good strength to accompany him:

The rehearsal of war is over,

now we are dressed with the sound of the wind, my brother

We are painted with the colors of the damned land

and me a frontline warrior on the call of rage,

together with the sorcerers words.

A small load for these heavy stepping feet,

as a talisman an eye which will find the lie

and a sheath thats thirsty to drink more blood.

The end and our step is heavier,

this appearance overshadows even our grave.

And all the evil of the world, really, is not enough

to stop a body, ready to die.

And just when I thought time is haunting me,

I noticed I was not alone.

I was also in the night, you see, of the first time,

where east, west, south, and north met.

There where death sets an ambush from long before,

knows well and wanders around those areas.

A knife, it cuts the tension that exists,

so intensely and painful before the battle.

You think with every breath you take in poison

and every step you make, seems a torture.

Heavy atmosphere, but I didnt fear it,

because I am for years now its heaviest piece.

All this I see, do not give me slack

and for the battle I put the mask on again.

I feel dark figures, have become my shadow,

and from the north I hear footsteps in my ears.

Now in our passage our look shines

and in our view the fire brings to life our dreams.

And our life is ours and if you are still with us,

its that we never coward out, our soul is up to it.

Our voice roars and is consistent,

No one came here simply and for no reason.

With a big respect and a blind trust,

which does not give the right to anyone

to judge us and what has happened cannot be eraced,

from a memory, that has remained alive.

And it leaves behind marks just as rain on dirt,

fro the battles we gave in the past face to face.

Because some remember what the others hear,

some coward out and some live.

Always at war and me a unnatural phenomenon,

the unexpected of others becomes my continuing,

no one can understand my joy,

because if the wankers drown, im in my waters.

Even if I have company, in the clash I am alone,

a bad habit of mine to always go first.

With no protection, with every precaution,

I have lived a life in what others call a conflict.

But at last I found an opponent,

whoever I have seen so far here and there made an echo.

And fortunately the wait ends,

we live the day of the battle and the evening is coming.

Where are you going, where, and what do you have in your mind,

the battle of the next eve is beginning,

I will paint red the colour of the sky,

so let me tell you what I have in mind.

Where are you looking, where, and you are lost elsewhere,

take seriously all the signs of weather.

I took the tracks of a nearby path,

and dont worry I wont get lost elsewhere.

THE BATTLE OF THE NEXT EVE HAS BEGUN


Monday, March 7, 2011

LETTER OF SOLIDARITY TO THE CHILEAN COMRADES ON HUNGER STRIKE FROM : Skouloudis, Tsilianidis, Fessas, Tzifkas, Dimtsiadis (greece)

Freedom, as well as bars are firstly and mainly in our heads. There are however moments where it becomes perceptible and with particular intensity the existence of walls around us. Moments where under other circumstances we would risk our skin in order to leave the flames to warm people that are fighting far from us, people that we do not know but we feel them reflecting our egos and what we desire on the other side of the world.

Solidarity is a simultaneous expression of revolutionary conscience and authentic militant sentiment. It is expressed with speech and action. In our hands however henceforth, we hold only our words and our thoughts to imprint it. Solidarity is perhaps the most precious of weapons a revolutionary has at his/hers disposal.

We charge it with all the substance of our being, with all the hate for our common enemies, with all our common passion for freedom, and we remind to the comrades that are on hunger strike (from 21/02) in Chile, that in another country, in some similar prisons, confined for some similar reasons, some not so different people are with all their strength next to their struggle, for their immediate release and abolishment of the antiterrorist law.

The fighting dignity of comrades comes to prove that the fight does not stop for an imprisoned revolutionary. They show us that the prison can very well be faced as one more occasion for the appointment of new aspects of revolutionary action.

The return that finds in our own consciences, the position of attack in which the hunger strikers enter makes our solidarity a given as a basic characteristic of a built relationship between those who continuously undermine the social peace.

The ostensible force of the enemy is nothing next to your courage comrades.

WE ARE NEXT TO YOU
WE WILL WIN

SOLIDARITY WITH THE HUNGER STRIKERS
ANARCHIST/LIBERAL FIGHTERS :

Andrea Macarena Urzúa Cid
Camilo Nelson Pérez Tamayo
Carlos Luis Riveros Luttgue
Felipe Guerra Guajardo
Francisco Solar Domínguez
Mónica Andrea Caballero Sepúlveda
Pablo Hernán Morales Führimann
Rodolfo Luis Retamales Leiva


WTF collective translations for actforfreedomnow



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