on january 17thbegan the trial of the
r.o. conspiracy cells of fire.
as all trials
it copies a
as a political trial though,
it imposes a grotesque scenery.
professional punishers with
the illusion that they are
armies of terrorcops,
- democracy in grand cherokees –
they secure the “public character”
of the acts,
slime of the media feed unstoppably
the terrorlust appetite of the tv audience.
CAME THE DAYS
WHERE THEY TRY…
circle of subvers
“Paths change, times change,
Ways change, but the aim is the same.
This is our fate, to fight and resist.
To fight and fall down, to fall down and win.”
Solidarity to all those persecuted
for the Conspiracy Cells of Fire case
who are on trial since 17/1 in Koridallos prisons
SELFORGANIZED STEKI OF THE POLYTECHNIC / COMRADES
EVENT / DISCUSSION / INFORMATION
ABOUT THE TRIAL OF THE ACCUSED FOR THE
CASE OF “CONSPIRACY CELLS OF FIRE”
THURSDAY 13TH JANUARY 2011 06.00 PM
POLYTECHNIC, GINI BUILDING, ATHENS
(OPEN SPEAKER FROM INSIDE THE PRISONS)
(OPEN SPEAKER FROM INSIDE THE PRISONS)
MEMBER OF C.C.F.
(OPEN SPEAKER FROM INSIDE THE PRISONS)
17 JANUARY 2011, 09.00 AM
AT KORIDALLOS PRISONS,
WHERE THE CASE IS TO BE TRIED
ANARCHIST INITIATIVE AGAINST THE PRISONS
The poster says:
Shortly before the parliamentary elections of 2009, the anti-terror cops invaded the house of Haris Hadjimihelakis in Halandri (northern suburb of Athens), where they awaited him and arrested him. Three more people were arrested, P.Massouras, M.G. and his girlfriend. Hadjimihelakis, Massouras and M.G. were held in pretrial detention, accused as members of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire. M.G. was released a few months later.
On 22 April 2010, Konstantina Karakatsani was arrested and got imprisoned due to warrant pending against her for the same case.
On 1 November 2010, Panagiotis Argirou (warrant pended against him too) was arrested in Pangrati along with Gerasimos Tsakalos, after the ‘parcels’ posting. These two along with Hadjimihelakis claimed political responsibility for their participation in the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.
On 4 December 2010, G.Karagiannidis and A.Mitroussias were arrested and detained due to warrants pending against them for this case.
Thirteen people have been referred to the trial of 17 January 2011, four of which are still wan
The trial for this case will be held on Monday, 17 January, inside the walls of Koridallos prisons.
SOLIDARITY to H.Hadjimihelakis, P.Argirou, members of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire who stand trial on 17/1, and to those who are accused for the same case
TERMINATION OF ANY PROSECUTION
IMMEDIATE RELEASE of P.Massouras, K.Karakatsani, G.Karagiannidis, A.Mitroussias who deny all accusations against them
GATHERING OUTSIDE KORIDALLOS PRISONS, 17/1/2011, 9 am
Some information about the start of the trial of the comrades members of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire and those accused in the same case in Korydallos prison/court today, 17 January.
Early in the morning the atmosphere in Korydallos was asphyxiating .. police everywhere and very few comrades. Around 11 am people gathered on the pavement outside the prison/court to get in. They had to give their ID card and full personal information. The courtroom was full of plainclothes cops. A few people made it to get in. Then the court was stopped and it was stated that nobody would be allowed in without ID and the card would be kept for the duration of the trial. That is illegal since the police only have the right to keep your identity card if you are a witness, or expert witness (according to the procedure). Since, however, it is assumed that the case is not yet closed, they are trying to find more to culprits. Fortunately, the accused comrades refused to speak and left the courtroom..
SO the trial was adjourned again for the reasons mentioned above. After over an hour, it restarted to hear again the same demands as those made by the lawyers, but from the accused themselves:
1. NO personal data to be recorded from identity cards, which are not to be withheld at the entrance by the security cops.
2. Up until then there was absolutely nothing on record for obvious reasons. There is apparently no need for the
proceedings to be recorded (to have the possibility of perverting what has been said for public opinion and those not present at the trial).
3. Demands that the plainclothes cops leave the courtroom and let the people outside occupy the seats, because outside the cops guarding the prison had closed the road, prohibiting not only entry to the prison, but also the approach road for the following obvious reasons “we have orders not to let anyone pass and even if we let them in, the court is full.” Bullshit Indeed, after the first interruption, most plainclothes cops fucked off – one was almost attacked but they managed to conceal him. That had the effect of freeing around 40 places.
After we sent one of our lawyers to inform those at the entrance that there was room to go in, but anyway the scum did not let anyone pass. So 1 / 3 of the courtroom was empty and the other 1 / 3 was composed of cops (plainclothes or not). The comrade prisoners stated that if the demands were not accepted they would not participate in the trial. Of course the president of the court didn’t give a shit, which angered many people and the imprisoned comrades left the court again to the accompaniment of slogans.
Finally, the culmination of the whole matter was this: The President ruled that despite the “generous” and “honest” efforts by the Court, there are not the logistics for the trial to be tape-recorded! Still, she still wanted to continue, of course. She also agreed that the registration of personal information of those present, such as the photocopying of identity documents, is illegal and banned, but the ID cards of those entering the courtroom would be held until they left the prison! Looking us straight in the face. On the other hand, we were “assured” all the same, that the list of records would be destroyed, while no written statement to that effect was produced … (Why?) She said that the proceedings are public and open to everyone to attend WITHOUT EXCEPTION, provided the attendees did not exceed the number of seats (accentuating the “without exception”, meaning of course that the public can also mean plainclothes cops!) Finally, the possibility of the “removal” of the case to the Court, was examined. It depends on whether it is possible for it to be fitted with the necessary logistics for recording (the latter will certainly be decided at the next hearing in the courtroom of Korydallos)
The accused comrades were well – as well as it is possible to be, namely, dynamic and determined.
Outraged by the developments they left the courtroom. When leaving, those present in the court shouted slogans such as “cops, judges SS” and “the passion for freedom is stronger than the prison”.
The trial will resume on Monday 24 / 1, 9.00 am
EVERYBODY THERE !!!!!
ABOUT THE TRIAL OF C.C.F (CONSPIRACY CELLS OF FIRE)
INITIATIVE OF ANARCHISTS AGAINST THE PRISONS
PRISONERS DECISIONS 19/1
After communicating with prisoners of the C.C.F., we transfer their point of view for Mondays trial.
The comrades will keep an uncompromising attitude and will not withdraw their demand against the registering of the information of solidarians that want to be at the trial. If the judges decide to deny the comrades demand, they will leave the court room with their advocates and declare the beginning of their prison food abstinence.
In the case that the court appoints its own lawyers so this parody can continue with out them, the comrades will escalate from the beginning of the next trial starting a hunger strike, until their demand for easy and free access for us all to the trial, is granted.
UPDATES ON THE TRIAL OF CONCSPIRACY OF CELLS OF FIRE 24 AND 25 JANUARY (Greece Athens)
On Monday, January 24, the second day of the trial of the accused in the case of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, the court rejected both claims of the accused: to have the minutes of the proceedings recorded (“Due to high costs” said the tribunal bozos!) and for the identity papers of those entering the courtroom not to be withheld. …The defendants left the court, revoked their defence lawyers and stated that they will abstain from prison food and go on hunger strike if the court appointed lawyers (which it did).
Critique of the attitudes of the journalists The statement of the six accused prisoners, agreed by the three comrades* on bail, was read by George Karagiannidis and said: “We are adamant about the retaining of our comrades’ particulars. “
.G. Karagiannidis spoke of the repressive nature of the measure said the defendants want to take their voices beyond the walls of the prison.
The statement made reference to the journalists, who “misleadingly report directly from the counter-terrorist cops They have reported on our personal lives and those of our families, so they too are exposed.”
When the accused left the prison/court dozens of comrades shouted slogans and many of them raised their fists shouting “Tough, tough, be proud and strong.”
The three comrades Vogiatzakis, Rallis and Giospas who are free on bail claimed that they have nothing to fear, but said that under these circumstances they cannot attend and do not want to go to trial with lawyers whom they do not know.
25 January 2011 – The trial of those accused of involvement in the organization “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” was stopped this morning and will resume on Thursday. The court proceeded to appoint new defence lawyers, but of the 18 lawyers appointed, only four came forward and stated that they refuse to accept the appointment. As said by the lawyers who refused to take their defence, the case is too serious and the defendants themselves do not wish to be represented. Finally, the court was suspended until Thursday with the appointment of two new lawyers per defendant.
Freedom to H.Hadjimihelakis, P. Argirou, G.Tsakalos who have taken the political responsibility for the “Conspiracy Cells of Fire” and P.Massouras, K.Karakatsani, A.Mitrousias, G.Karagiannidis who are imprisoned for the same case.
Solidarity to all imprisoned anarchists and revolutionaries.
THE PASSION FOR FREEDOM IS STRONGER THAN THE PRISON
Thursday, January 27, 2011
On Monday 24/1, the matters that we placed before the court regarding the non retaining and registering of the identification of those who arrive in the courtroom and the tape recording of the trial proceedings, the first of which is the most important for us, were examined. As we had decided and publicly announced in the case of the court not accepting our demands, we withdrew and revoked our lawyers.
What happened in the courtroom is better known to those who were inside, friends, comrades and relatives. We will present the facts as we experienced them unfolding from our point of view. While we were in the holding room we heard the voices and chants of the people, which gave us strength and courage. At some point we realized that the president of the special court had ordered the removal and detention of certain comrades and relatives from the hearing. Intense shouting followed and we realized that there were clashes with the cops in the courtroom, which we were separated from by an iron door. Wanting to approach it in order to help our relatives and comrades in some way, we headed in that direction.
At the last moment the cops from the escort closed the door on us and a fierce body to body clash followed with about 20 of them. Although they outnumbered us, their use of batons became essential in order to make the clash equal. The clash lasted roughly 10 minutes and, even though they put handcuffs on some of us, we continued to fight chained up while the cops hit us furiously.
Perhaps they dealt many blows but we responded with the same and more, showing them that some prisoners are not easy prey to their fake macho posturing. Now, regarding the statement concerning an organized escape attempt it is ridiculous to say the least since the space in which we were directed – behind the courtroom- leads to the prison courtyard and at the time of the trial it was full of squads of riot cops and special forces.
We declare, finally, that we stand firm in our demand that the comrades and those attending the trial in solidarity not be registered. The isolation of the accused in political trials reflects the disposition to penalize comradely relations and the demeaning of the political subjects that participate in them. For us solidarity is an essential and nodal matter. We do not tolerate the direct attack of the court on the solidarity movement. We will not be the ones to legitimise this decision of theirs. As a first move we have begun the refusal of prison food, while at the same time none of us will participate in the trial until our demands have been met.
We do not tolerate the mockery of the president of the court who, despite at first agreeing to the free attendance of people, later, following the command of her political superiors, reversed the decision, indisputably proving her role as a puppet of the anti-terrorist staff.
We are asking for the obvious and their refusal shows the disposition of the special court. We will not attend the trial until each comrade and those in solidarity can enter without the fear of be filed. In the event that the trial starts without us and our lawyers, with the only participants being cops and appointed lawyers, we will begin a hunger strike from the day that the trial begins again.
In order for us to return to the courtroom we demand free access to anyone that wants to follow the trial, by simply showing their identity card and without any recording of their information. We also recommend that all the appointed lawyers refuse to participate in this fascist procedure where we are deprived of a voice and opinion. Such a thing is undignified for them, to say the least, and it would be good that they do not attempt “to take the snake out of the hole”. (Greek saying meaning to be the one that solves the problem)
To end up, we return our solidarity from our hearts to all the comrades from Greece and abroad, who with their words and action give us strength to carry on the struggle.
THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES
LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION
boubourAs translate actforfreedomnow!
Informal Anarchist Federation / Conspiracy of Cells of Fire-responsibility claim for the incendiary package send to the minister of justice in greece 2/2 /2011
I do not feel loss for my arrest…
I do not feel loss for the clandestinity …
I do not feel loss that I am imprisoned…
I do not feel loss for the Struggle that we conduct…
The real defeat in a war is not captivity in the hands of the enemy, but capitulation, loss of conscience, surrender, penitence, statements of loyalty. Because that is where the game of power is played, in the moral decline and depreciation of its dissident opponents. It wants to force rebels to bend, to kneel, to conciliate to make clear that “every struggle is lost, all resistance is useless” . However the only lost fight is the one that never began. Its commands are clear. “You must not think, you must not resist, you must not fight”. And where its rhetoric does not work, either with the illusion of consuming frenzy, or with the threat of the violence of truncheons, guns and tear gas, there are the judicial “clergies” and correctional establishments ready “to accommodate” the most undisciplined for an indefinite time. They also want to send this message “we decide and we give the orders” inside the special political martial court that is judging the case of the revolutionary organization Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.
The comrades of the cell of the imprisoned members of C.C.F and the dignified rebels P. Masouras and G. Karagianidis have highlighted the political and repressive policies of this trial a thousand times better than us.
The essential wager that is being played at this moment on the part of the anarchists, revolutionaries, those in solidarity and undisciplined is to not allow power to make one more step towards strengthening its coup d’etat.
Certain coincidences, such as the facility with which the police and the public prosecutors fill the TV screens and the front pages of the newspapers with photographs of suspects, where it is proved afterwards that these persons, such as the anarchist Fee Meyer or K.S. that was arrested as a suspect for a robbery in Thessaloniki and turn out to have no relation with these “charges” against them, are not accidental. (We add that for that particular robbery the anarchist Rami Surianos was arrested and for sure if he is innocent he deserves our solidarity, if guilty he deserve it a thousand times more). The new fashion of arrests of persons that are accused for unknown-anonymous terrorist groups, such as the case of the 6 and the arrest of the 4 comrades in Thessaloniki, is also not accidental.
It was heard from the public prosecutor that in the case of F. Meyer “it is not reasonable to possess texts written by suspects for terrorism”. That is to say the possession of texts that are already published, that contain thoughts, concerns, proposals, regardless whether somebody agrees or not, is considered a punishable offence. Thus perhaps the season of the thought police is not far away. We must not forget that what gets used by the eye, gets used by the brain as well. Anyone can remember the reactions that existed to the first special court years ago for the R.O. 17November, and compare them with the present trial. Now the fact that special courts exist seems to be normal and only a few react (a fact that honours them).
Here exactly we must pass to the counter-attack. Exactly here we must stop getting used to retreating. Exactly here we must stop fearing the ghost of repression. The repression exists because action exists. Qualitative, quantitative and unrepentant action.
There is no need for anyone to answer to himself with emotion. There is no space for emotion, or for humanitarian sympathies. It is a matter of a clear conscience. If the values and the moral code of persons that still believe in anarchy and her beauty, allows them to delay their attack and make up excuses, they should stay away from the affair We will not wait for them neither will history ….
As a minimal expression of solidarity to the struggle of the imprisoned members of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire and the dignified comrades we sent an incendiary package to the minister of Justice X. Kastanidi who is responsible for the refusal of one of the two requirements of our comrades for the recording of the transcript of the trial. We will not answer his lies concerning the quantity of allegedly powerful explosives that he claimed for reasons of communication policy in order to present himself as victim. We will make do with repeating that the precautionary measures were the same as those of the previous 14 packets so that it is impossible for anyone uninvolved to be injured.
Moreover, we want to say a few things about the recent events in the Law faculty.
Finally we declare that from now the illegal sector of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire will also participate in the International Revolutionary Front – Informal Anarchist Federation. The explosive expression of solidarity at international level for the trial of C.C.F. and also the publications that put organizations such as the FLT-FLA (Mexico) and Praxedis G. Guerrero in their texts, we consider that they initiate powerful bases for the opening of a revolutionary dialogue through action, but also proposals of co-ordination.
The sabotages in Turkey and the attacks of the informal cells of insurrection, the attacks in Chile, the letters with bullets in Madrid and Barcelona, the paint bombs on the Greek embassy in Austria, the arson of courts in Switzerland, the acts of solidarity in Poland, in Bristol, in London, but also in other places- heart of the capitalistic civilization (sources of counter – information culmine, viva la anarquia, act for freedom, 325, safa.espiv e.t.c.) fill us with strength and courage in order to continue. And not only, but also in order to commit through our participation in the Informal Anarchist Federation – International Revolutionary Front that the quiet days are over for ever.
At the same moment the internal enemy in Greece, is developing, becoming more effective and is organizing for its confrontation with the system. The attacks of the International Revolutionary Front – Deviant Behaviour for the spread of revolutionary terrorism, Informal Anarchist Federation – Cell of Aggressive Line, Informal Anarchist Federation – Cell of Revolutionary Solidarity, Warriors of Revolutionary Conscience, commando Lambros Fountas, revolutionary formations for the spread of chaos and other comrades, show that the prospect of international networking in the formation of the Informal Anarchist Federation and its values is effective here and now. Now every anarchist group can participate in this open platform of action and thought, contributing with its own way in its development and co-ordination. Also we send our warm solidarity to the anarchists Monica Caballero and Andrea Urzua Cid who are to be found in the women’s prisons of Chile and to all the arrested for the bombs – case, to the anarchists Adrian Magdaleno and Braulio Arturo Duran (jailed in Mexico), to our brother Gabriel Pombo Da Silva in prison of Germany and to Billy, Costa, Silvia, M. Camenich (prisons of Switzerland).
Finally we embrace our own people, Michalis, Gerasimos, Panagiotis, Xaris, Takis, we grit our teeth and give them this promise and commitment:
As long as the sun rises from the east we will not stop fighting for your release even for a moment, to be all together again in the most beautiful plans that we left unfinished in order to fulfil the most wild and “mad” adventure of revolution. Our day will come…
We dedicate you these few words to you…
“Love danger. What hardre? That is what I want.
In 3 February the trial was held without the defendants’ presence nor their lawyers in defense.
The four of the defendants, Argirou, Hadjimihelakis, Masouras and Karagiannidis, announced that on Thursday, 3 February 2011, they proceed from abstention from mess to hunger strike, to achieve their claims—the identities of the people who wish to be present in the courtroom not to be recorded nor retained, in order for the defendants to return in court represented by the lawyers of their original choice.
Freedom to H.Hadjimihelakis, P.Argirou, G.Tsakalos, who have undertaken the political responsibility for the ‘Conspiracy of Cells of Fire,’ and P.Massouras, K.Karakatsani, A.Mitrousias, G.Karagiannidis, who are imprisoned for the same case.
Solidarity to all imprisoned anarchists and revolutionaries
THE PASSION FOR FREEDOM IS STRONGER THAN
In support and solidarity with the hunger strikers Hadtzimihelakis H. , P. Massouras, P. Argurou , G. Karagiannidis for the nonsatisfaction of their just demands (non-withholding the identities of the people present in court, to have the trial recorded) and because we believe that this is leading to a very arbitrary trial, we are going to start refusing prison food from 03/02/2011.
Dimitris Michail, Yakovos Gabalas
Prisoners in Trikala prison Greece
Abstinence from prison food – Rami Syrianos-Solidarity banner for the comrades of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire case in the town of Larissa in the centre of Greece.
Abstinence from prison food – Rami Syrianos who accused of armed robbery of a confiscated vehicle auction, on 31/1 in thessaloniki
In a telephone conversation we had with the comrade he informed us that from this morning 9/2 he has begun to refuse to take prison food,
in solidarity with the comrades on hunger strike accused in the case of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.
Geniko Katastima Fylakon
Friday, February 18, 2011
17.02.2011 – HUNGER STRIKE SOLIDARITY January 15-16-17
My answer to the “call for solidarity with the guerrillas of the revolutionary organization Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, with the revolutionaries and the other indicted for the same case” in the trial that will begin January 17, 2011. This call that comes from Greece in a communique of the organization “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.” With this symbolic hunger strike for three days, January 15 to 17 all my closeness goes to all the fighters from Europe to Mexico, Argentina, Chile, the Amazon, Papua New Guinea, Nigeria, India …. and all over the world.
Solidarity with the two comrades of the “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” and the other revolutionaries and anarchists on trial since Jan. 17 in Greece.
Repression, arrests, prisons and courts will never break the revolutionary spirit and tenacity, can never stop the many struggles undertaken in as many ways as possible within the same revolutionary universe.
Freedom to all political prisoners! These words of freedom cannot but make my thoughts go to all the animals locked in a cage, waiting for death and to become a piece of meat, turned into an object of production …. And subjected to torture, vivisectioned in research laboratories to test drugs, chemicals and each new harmful substance of this techno-scientific industrial system.
Against all anthropocentric logic, bearer of abuse of power and domination ….
Against every cage, for total liberation!
Let’s spread solidarity through the continuity of the paths of the struggle, active and combative solidarity!
Silvia Guerini, Biel prison / Switzerland, January 2011
We are experiencing all over greece a period which at the same time is one of the most critical moments and one of the biggest bets of the anarchist revolutionary movement. Sovereignty steps on the qualitative and quantitative raising of the benchmark of hostilities from our side, increasing more and more the intensity of repression. The arrests of comrades, the publication of photographs, the raids in houses, and the more general climate of diffuse fear that is attempted to be imposed are a piece of this counter-attack.
The penalization of friendly and comrade relations constitutes henceforth a guaranteed method of the juridical and police authorities. The anarchist comrades S.Antoniou, D. Michail and Ch. Politis are the latest on a list of individuals that are imprisoned, no for their action, but for their political perceptions and their friendly and comrade relations. A list to which the juridical authorities are also trying to add the anarchist comrade Fee Meyer, with the ridiculous argument for the “offence” of possession of texts from imprisoned revolutionaries.
In this climate began the trial of members of the organization together with individuals that are accused without evidence for participation in it. A trial which being the first in a line of other that will follow for cases of revolutionary action will determine on one level the behavior of the special courts towards the political prisoners, concerning the conditions of the upcoming trials. From the beginning of the procedure it became perceptible the effort of isolation and cutting off of the defendants from the comrades in solidarity via the blackmail of registering those who arrive to the courtroom.
Solidarity as a bidirectional relationship could not leave uninvolved the accused comrades in this decision of the court. Leaving the procedure and their refusal “to legalize” this registering with their presence there, constitute a decent and proud political attitude. A attitude that includes also the proportional cost to the comrades that are accused without evidence for heavy charges and are in danger to be judged in absentia. A fight that puts as a priority the relation of solidarity between the defendants and the comrades that arrive to the room of the special court in order to support them and give them strength.
This fight is given no for a precarious victory in this court, but in order to impose it as a vested to all the following political trials, the possibility of unhindered attendance of those in solidarity.
A fight that climaxes with the start of a hunger strike. What our revolutionary conscience commands us to do is stand next to our comrades and begin a hunger strike to support them.
First Gerasimos Tsakalos began on 3/2/2011 with the remainder of the comrades a hunger strike, and soon Michalis Nikolopoulos will begin as well, because of practical difficulties that are related with his very short time within the walls.
In this critical moment for the anarchist-revolutionary movement we answer with confronting attack. We do not take a step back. We declare our respect for the comrades that are accused in this trial and select the difficult path of the fight, their attitude raise the benchmark of revolutionary consistency. We send our warmest greetings to those that even under the pressure of difficult times continue acting in the direction of rupture with the diffuse dominating construction. To all the comrades and the organizations that corresponded through their acts and their texts to the call for a co-creation of the INFORMAL ANARCHIST FEDERATION – INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY NETWORK. We raise our fists through from inside the walls. And finally, we dedicate to the brothers of the Illegal Sector of our organization the paraphrased extract from Jan Marc Rouillian. “For a long time I remain there stiff as a rock, the head leaning, hands in the pockets, the memories bombard me, the ones from outside, those from our struggles… The friendship and the tenderness of those who fight embraced, are unleashed by our laughters and the untidy discussions to the morning. We are of course full of the absolute, of the intoxicating freedom of the undisciplined, but also from the hard certainty that we hold, at any cost, one of the last barricades before the crushing. And we laughed. We laughed always while oiling our guns, until goodbye, with an old cry of war, DARE TO FIGHT, DARE TO WIN…”
LONG LIVE THE R.O. CONSPIRACY CELLS OF FIRE
LONG LIVE THE ARMED STRUGGLE FOR REVOLUTIONaries
LONG LIVE ANARCHY
Michalis Nikolopoulos-Gerasimos Tsakalos
Members of the Prisoners Cell of the Conspiracy Cells of Fire
Solidarity banner for the comrades of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire case in the town of Larissa in the centre of Greece.
The banner says:
What scares you more? The new measures of repression, the police State, or the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire?
to the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.
` Monday, February 7, 2011
LETTER FROM KONSTANDINA (greece)
Accused in the Conspiracy Cells of Fire case
On 4-2-2011 I appeared in court after being called by the judge in order for me to develop with my presence the demand that for quite some time now I’ve submitted, a few days postponement of the trial. My appearance in the court gave the spark for some vulture-journalists to throw their mud, saying even that i I disagree with the demands that have been placed, creating and promoting thus an image of a climate of division. In the frames of faithful service to the governmental interests some of the Media as the trial day approached proportionally laid out the climate sharpening the knives of the court with open challenges to it, sucj as “now justice will show us if it is terrorised by imposing heavy sentences to the defendants” etc.
This was continued with the beginning of the trial where they began to show extracts always adapted to a practice of libel and accompanied by propagandistic comments, while they also mentioned the tragic “escape operation” that obviously no one believes, they simply said it in order to overstress that there are reasons for the conduct of the trial in the prison and in order to justify our non transport to a regular room, something that would resolve all the problems.
The climax came yesterday (4/2/11) where they used my own attitude for the creation of an image of a “divided front of the defendants” with an obvious target the devaluation of the hunger strike that my co-defendants have begun. First of all let it become clear that no matter what the state says, which speaks to us through the news reports and the internet, I never expressed myself against the demands. I simply believe that the root of evil is the legislation about special conditions of trial in its entirety.
Even though this letter is primarily a drop of counter-information in the ocean of misinformation I cannot omit certain other important things. It should also be known that I never said in court that I accept to be tried in absence. Despite that whether I agree, or I disagree, I participate or not in the hunger strike, any choice of struggle of prisoners is respectable by me. My presence in court in no way means that I adopt the attitude of the judges that insistingly deny to accept the demands the moment 4 of my codefendants have gone on hunger strike.
Also my presence signals my refusal to grant to the state the privilege to have a trial without lawyers and defendants, therefore without another side, something that means that they will easily impose the totalitarianism of their speeches and their decisions. I do not want this court to be turned into a cemetery that will bury in it the refusal of the charges, will bury my speech, my political substance, my dispute with those who either played a constructional role regarding the charges, or those gave false testimonies, the choice of clandestinity that I took, not recognizing any prosecution and no charges, and naturally will bury my cry against the persecutors and my accusers, who because they simply “suspected” did not hesitated together to imprison me.
But these are the signs of our times. The season of the economic bloodsucking of society, the systemic crisis, the season where governmental savagery is accentuated and shielded. The season of 30 and more political prisoners.
Femal prisons of Koridallos
LETTER FROM PRISON BY THE ANARCHIST PANAGIOTIS MASOURAS ACCUSE FOR THE CONSPIRACY OF CELLS OF FIRE ”’CASE”
“Anyway, everything that happened before the trial, the transmissions of the legislation and the detainment conditions, had made clear to us that we are not dealing with a legal procedure, but that justice was activating as a means of war. In reality what they were interested in was to exterminate us politically. And against this we could not defend ourselves with legal means, there we must act politically.”
On 17/1/2011 began the special court martial inside of koridallos prisons.
The juridical and executive authority, from the beginning of the procedure had made clear that they are not willing to leave their totalitarian leadership exposed to whoever dares to dispute it.
Their court martial, attempted to isolate its anti-regime enemies from the movement of solidarity that wanted to stand by them. It tried to depoliticize, demean, and amputate the reciprocating quality that characterises solidarity.
Besides the isolation that is attempted though, what stands more perceptible that ever is tomorrows penalization of comrade and friendly relations.
From the photocopying of the information and the retaining of the id cards of those who come to watch the procedure as a necessary condition in order to enter the court room, to the direct and vicious tactic of registering the comrades, with photographs that end up in the drawers of the D.A.E.E.B(Response Directorate of Special Crimes of Violence)
All this structures a strategic plan of the regime and capitalist mechanisms, that have as an objective the consolidation and acceptance of such conditions, aims clearly now at the spreading of a climate of terrorism on anyone who considers it to be necessary to stand in practice next to the political hostages.
The sector of justice is utilized following and imposing the orders of the public safety forces. The structure of co-dependant authorities states clearly the choice of the state mechanism, that attempts to exterminate legally, ethically but mainly politically the revolutionaries. This anti-revolutionary strategic completes a total of polemic that attempts to “cover up” the political opponents to succeed without obstacles our extermination.
The above condition acted as a catalyst for us to realize and co-value the necessity of a position which was going to secure us that one more regime blackmail would be received as forbidden from our side.
It was this specific condition where the 6 imprisoned defendants, after a discussion we had, we decided together, in full conscience and clarity on our choice. If the judges continue to insist on the establishing of this fascist measure, we would leave the procedure denying to legalize it, firing our advocates at the same time as well.
Until this fascist measure changes and the public character of this political trial is secured, we concluded that for us to return would be at least unseemly, so much towards ourselves, as towards the comrades who appeared in solidarity to support us.
For reasons of political consistency and to avoid ethical acceptance, we left the room through our advocates, as the present comrades realized.
At this point it would be important to make some clarifications concerning the total of the people who “participate” in this trial.
In this procedure we are individuals with different political positions, theoretical expansions, different defensive lines, different personal relationships.
In this trial there are two imprisoned members of the R.O. C.C.F., but also other prisoners who deny the charges attributed to us.
Despite this we all met demanding the obvious, discovering thus a community in the frames of solidarity and companionship.
The common decision we took, despite us being different individuals had a common denominator. The practical opposition and dispute to the body of the court.
It was not, neither a decision between members of the organization, but an agreement between people with a substance, conscience and integrity. It is an agreement based on the consistent and political sobriety, against the blackmail of this totalitarian regime.
This collective position means the definition of practical theoretical political bases, that divide the clear and responsible position from political chameleon-ism.
Because the “evidence” that involve me in this case is non-existent and the scenarios of the antiterrorist police arbitrary, it is a fact that if I appeared in the court room the percentage of success of my release would have been practically high and realistic.
There are things though that touch me to the bone and I am not willing to mortgage in a contract that would secure me a more favourable treatment by authority, because if I have room inside me for only one faith, it is for the struggle.
For me the consistency and continuity of the struggle, as well as my denial to appear in their court martial, is one more act for the readopting of the memory of the past, the consistency of the present and the dignity in the duration of the future.
My political positions do not allow me to succumb one more regime or “fighting” blackmail.
I do not retreat, meeting myself in the practice of revolutionary dispute.
I know that the state hunts its enemies like a raging dog. As a political prisoner though I have nothing to bargain.
I declare that I will not appear in their special court martial until this fascist measure changes.
If they are waiting for me to legalize the isolation of the political prisoners in court martials, but also the upcoming persecutions of comrades, I have one thing to say:
REVOLUTION MEANS SELFLESSNESS.
Whoever does not smile in front of the cliff, unfortunately has calculated the hight and inevitably has defined it.
Until we meet again, until the end, until liberation
Long live the subversive Struggle. Long live the Revolution.
1st wing koridallos
The five defendants in custody in the “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” trial -X. Hatzimichelakis, C. Karagiannidis, P. Argirou, P. Masouras and Al. Mitrousias-have been on hunger strike since 3 February last week, continue to refuse to go to court.
Yesterday, 6 February 2011, in the courtroom in the women’s prison of Koridallos, was present comrade Constantina Karakatsani. Also in the courtroom, with no defence lawyers as they refused them, were the three accused who are free on bail, E. Rallis, N. Vogiatzakis and Em. Giospas, who also refused to participate in the trial hearing.
|The trial continued today with the advocates of Konstandina Karakatsani submitting many objections that were rejected by the court. The objections concerned, among others, the retraction of the decision on the self appointed nomination of advocates for Kostandina, since she ceased them, as well as the dropping of the charge since – as Kostandinas advocates insist- it is absolutely vague and does not include any evidence that justifies her to go to trial. There was also reactions that were caused by new documents that came into the court and are not inclede in the trial brief and concern mainly laboratory results. Kostandinas lawyer said to the court that it is impossible for a defendant to be judged without knowing all evidence of the trial.
Besides Kostandina, the three defendants who are free on bail appeared while the comrades that are on hunger strike did not appear since the court still has not granted their demands (non-withholding the identities of the people present in court, and to have the trial tape recorded).
The trial continues Thursday 10/2/11.
UPDATE OF THE ONGOING C.C.F TRIAL 10 February
This morning, the three defendants that are free on bail, Emmanuel G., N. Vogiatsakis. and E. Rallis., and Mitrousias A., on remand, went to court and their lawyers requested that the judges (who listened with expressions of disbelief on their faces) of the three-member Appeals Court be revoked, because, they said, there are suspicions of bias on their part.
Representatives of the Piraeus Bar Association today went to the trial of those accused of CCF to intervene, following the events of last Wednesday. The PBA sent representatives of the association to see for themselves the conditions under which the trial is proceeding and possibly to make a complaint. The delegation announced this to the court through defence lawyer K. Papadakis, as a form of pressure on the judges. They charged them with procedural violations and the decision to withhold the identity of persons entering the courtroom to watch the trial and for not recording the proceedings, for their appointment of defence lawyers and sending the notes of the proceedings to the Prosecutors Office and the Athens lawyers association. The application for exemption does not involve Constantina Karakatsani, as she has retained her initial lawyers . The trial was adjourned to next Tuesday to consider the lawyers’ request to revoke the judges.
The trial will resume Tuesday February 15
Refusal of prison food – Ramy Syrianos
From the moment of the notorious case of Halandri and the first arrests for the Revolutionary Organisation CCF, an unprecedented for Greece campaign of political persecution and criminalization of friendship and comradeship and attempts at depoliticisation of revolutionary theory and practice, has clearly emerged. The newly opened anti-terrorist theorem, elaborated on the 12th floor of G.A.D.A [anti-terrorist department of the central police station] and built by The Counterfeit reality of the media, fits almost anyone who thinks to resist.
The trial for the same case could not but seal this campaign. Certainly the anxious effort of depoliticisation of proceedings of the trial is self-eliminated by the regime itself (from the special composition of the tribunal, a special room for the trial in Korydallos prison, refusal to record the minutes, recording of the details of anyone who wants to watch the trial procedure as well as the repeated appointing of lawyers for the defendants). It is evident that the state is trying hard to send a clear message to any outbreak of insurgency and at the same time to bend the solidarity movement, using it to extend the already existing lists of suspects to follow and future prosecutions.
Under these conditions of the State’s counterattack and the mechanisms of repression, solidarity constitutes one of the most powerful weapons at our disposal. Thus from 9/2, I have begun to refuse prison food as a minimal sign of support and solidarity, to the defendants of the Revolutionary Organization Conspiracy Cells of Fire that have gone on hunger strike, but also as an action of resistance to the methods of authority, considering always the restrictions of action that a prisoner has.
P.S. The present letter was written in a hurry because of the developments of the trial of the comrades. A letter will follow where I will try to deposit the opinions and perceptions that led me to my choices and ultimately to my arrest.
Friday, February 11, 2011
Abstention from prison food by Simos SeisidIs
Simos Seisidis refused prison foodtoday 10 / 2 in solidarity with the hunger strikers . / accused of involvement in the C.C.F.
Solidarity action at the Court of Thessaloniki for the 5 hunger strikers accused of CCF
An action took place yesterday morning in the Thessaloniki court building for the 5 hunger strikers (H. Hadtzimihelakis, P. Massouras, P. Argirou, G. Karagiannidis, G. Tsakalos) accused of involvement in theConspiracy of Cells of Fire, on their eighth day of hunger strike.
They gave out leaflets with texts (one by 4 of the hunger strikers, and the statement by hunger strikers G.Tsakalos-M.Nikolopoulou), which were thrown into the courts on all the different levels of the building.
In particular, texts were given to the people who had come to the court, were put under the doors of investigators, prosecutors, etc., were left on seats in the courtrooms, in canteens, and were put up on the court noticeboards, and the corridors were full up with leaflets in solidarity with the hungerstrikers and the CCF defendants.
Saturday, February 12, 2011
This text is written as a statement to announce the end of the hunger strike that we had begun on Thursday 3-2-2011. We know that such type of actions and forms of struggle leave their prints on the history of the revolutionary subversive movement, and hence have a public character and are exposed to any criticism. Taking into consideration, therefore, that we are stopping the strike before our demand is satisfied and at a very short time after the start our mobilisation, we decided to make a public statement carrying out an assessment of our mobilization from the beginning of our trial until now.
All through the duration of the last week before our trial, the Media propagated the climate of safety in a characteristic way, so it can be understood that it is very likely for the trial to be carried out behind closed doors and with no audience, in the frames of a more general effort to isolate political prisoners. When this information reached us we began to discuss seriously this probability and the way we would react if this became a reality. Easily we decided that we would not accept in any case to carry out the trial in this way and that we would do anything in our power to prevent it.
Monday the 17th of January found us in the court room to learn that although the entry for the public is free, they kept and photocopied the id cards of those who wished to enter. After the aggressive mention of this matter in the court, the judges agreed to not keep the id cards and it declared that all evidence that has been retained will be destroyed. After their return, from a small break lasting a few minutes, where they obviously received certain orders from their political superiors, they declared that is legal and imposed the retaining of the id cards, mentioning the regulations that prevail on prison buildings. After the intense reaction in which the people who were present in the room for solidarity participated, obviously having only given their id in order to support us, we withdrew declaring that we and our lawyers will abstain from the process in the event that this fascist practice of the court continues.
In the detention rooms where all six of us were, we were informed by our lawyers that there is a possibility that they could try us in absentia. Simultaneously, our three co-defendants Manos Giospas, Nikos Bogiatzakis, Errikos Rallis, with whom until then we had any communication, said to us that they support no matter what our choice and will follow our decision. In a discussion that we had between us six, we put down the possibilities that we faced and we decided soberly and consciously that provided that our demand is not satisfied we will cease our lawyers and we will withdraw. We were even preparing a statement that would be announced by us, specifically for this case. In this agreement participated only under terms Alexandros Mitrousias, which he had made clear to us that he will return to the trial, even if just one individual with his/hers presence legalizes the process.
The process was adjourned for Monday 24-1-2011, where one of us read our public statement that in the event that they do not withdraw the regime of terrorism against friends and relatives who come in solidarity, we will act as we had warned, while we began the same day to deny prison food that will escalate to a hunger strike if the trial advances with appointed advocates without us. Only Konstandina Karakatsani, even though she ensured that she continued to agree with the prospect of withdrawing from the trial, she did not jointly sign the statement, with the excuse that she did not help shape it and that she wishes to make a separate statement. A statement, however, that never happened, something that was later used by her as an argument of not agreement. The truth, however, is that clearly and categorically she had agreed with the statement that was read on behalf of all of us by Panagiotis Argirou that we withdraw from the trial and cease our advocates. As they know all that were present, we withdrew all willingly, amidst chants from those in solidarity. What followed was the repeated appointment of lawyers from the court, of which some did not even arrive, and others invoked from personal matters to ethical reasons in order to not undertake our defence. Until the court decided that it should again and by blackmailing appoint the advocates of our initial choice, obviously in order to give a new turn to the process that up to then seemed to be coming to a dead-end.
Therefore on 3-2-2011 which was the day where our lawyers would deny the appointment by the court, we announced the beginning of the hunger strike, in order that the demands that we had placed are satisfied. Later the same day, astonished we learned from the tv channels that the lawyers of Konstadina Karakatsani declared that they were never ceased by their client, and that she was removed handcuffed and violently. The next day we learned also that she was present herself with similar arguments asking for the adjournment the of trial so that she can be represented by her own lawyers. The biggest still surprise was one more text that she published also in which she publicly declared that she had never agreed with us to withdraw from the trial together, while it even left points of disagreement in our choice to go on hunger strike for the particular matter.
We on our side consider the attitude of the prisoner in question at least unreliable. When a person and especially an anarchist makes agreements they should keep their word, particularly when these agreements involve consequences, not only for them, but also for the rest as well. The regression of Konstandina Karakatsani legalized the decision of the court to register the people and gave it the power to try the rest of the defendants in absentia. The most enraging is that she tried to wrap this regression with a political cloak and did not at least have the sincerity to admit that she could not bear the weight of our common agreement. Her own attitude is moreover that split a fighting front against a court in which we could have achieved an important victory.
From our side certainly the conclusion of the fight we gave filled us with experiences and conclusions. Self-criticism is a weapon for every revolutionary and in this frame we recognize our error to support the whole process on a agreement that was not based on a common prospect, since all of us as disparate individuals with different starting lines of struggle, political attitudes, convictions and perceptions, each one of us gave it a separate meaning, creating thus a construction of which the base was relatively unstable. Of course, a mistake, however, was also the fact that we relied on the wrong individual the moment where a lot was jeopardized for each one us. No matter what, this development caused the rupture of an agreement that henceforth hung dangerously in the middle of a hunger strike. Since also Alexandros Mitrousias decided to act as he had clarified from the beginning, it was a given that no requirements can exist for our three co-defendants, the moment they are free under conditions and this we believe that can be perceived by anyone. The position of these individuals was that they will also support an uncatchable front of fight, from the moment this was cracked there is no reason for them not to return to the trial.
As for us, we think that the means of a hunger strike under the condition of attendance to the court of half or more of the defendants is rendered ineffectual. We are revolutionaries and not martyrs. The hunger strike is a means of which the historicity and the effectiveness is not to be doubted. Nevertheless considering that the balances were reversed against us, its continuation does not even appear potentially expedient, but on the contrary and an end in itself.
Thus we select today 11-2-2011 to end the hunger strike, even though our demands have not yet been satisfied. On the other side, we are not in any way going to accept this court and the way it develops. As revolutionaries we will not tolerate any blackmails they attempt to impose on us, and we do not have anything to negotiate with their special court martial. If they judge us in absentia they should know that we have condemned them beforehand. We consider that the position of the state mechanism is indicative of its intentions. The matter, however, is not that we show its intolerance or its arbitrariness. On the contrary, we perceive our attitude as a condition of political victory against the juridical authority, that believed that it could minimize us with its norms and orders, trying to accomplish thus the undermining of our struggle.
It is therefore rendered a necessity the evident and vigorous choice against an totalitarian regime that is continuously becoming more fascist. The strategy of isolation of political prisoners does not aim only to bury them in the democratic dungeons, neither to defame and discredit them through the channels that feed the enormous volume of informative waste that they feed us. It aims to their complete isolation from any live expression of solidarity, in order to brake them away from any connection with the components of the wider revolutionary movement. One such effort of isolation is finally also the stiff attitude to check and file those who dare to appear at our trial as the minimal price that they should pay in order to express their solidarity. A price that all know that could be paid dearly in the future, given that the fury of the persecutory authorities and the vengeance of repression that has already derailed and easily are translated into mass prosecutions and imprisonment.
The uncontrollable penalization of comrade, friendly and family relations, the elasticity of the official charges, the continuous upgrades of the anti-terrorist law, the photographs of comrades that are all over the televisions and newspapers, are only a few of the many things that have happened and will continue happening. The recording, finally, of the identification of those who come in solidarity is for us nothing other, than one more spear of repression that continues to intensify.
Thus, what we declare clearly and publicly is that as long as our comrades have no place in this trial, then surely neither do we.
We raise our clenched fist through the bars to all the comrades from Greece and abroad, that acted in solidarity on the platform of the multiform subversive struggle. We thank, also, all those that selected publicly to express their solidarity to our struggle, going on prison food abstention. They factually proved that even in conditions of imprisonment the margins to fight and show solidarity never grow thin. Because dignity and conscience never wear chains…
LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION
LONG LIVE ANARCHY
Monday, February 14, 2011
This morning, the three defendants that are free on bail, Emmanuel G., N. Vogiatsakis. and E. Rallis., and Mitrousias A., on remand, went to court and their lawyers requested that the judges (who listened with expressions of disbelief on their faces) of the three-member Appeals Court be revoked, because, they said, there are suspicions of bias on their part.
Representatives of the Piraeus Bar Association today went to the trial of those accused of CCF to intervene, following the events of last Wednesday. The PBA sent representatives of the association to see for themselves the conditions under which the trial is proceeding and possibly to make a complaint. The delegation announced this to the court through defence lawyer K. Papadakis, as a form of pressure on the judges. They charged them with procedural violations and the decision to withhold the identity of persons entering the courtroom to watch the trial and for not recording the proceedings, for their appointment of defence lawyers and sending the notes of the proceedings to the Prosecutors Office and the Athens lawyers association. The application for exemption does not involve Constantina Karakatsani, as she has retained her initial lawyers . The trial was adjourned to next Tuesday to consider the lawyers’ request to revoke the judges.
The trial will resume Tuesday February 15
The application of exception that was submitted by the four comrades of the Conspiracy Cells of Fire against the regular and surrogate judges was rejected today by the three-member Court of appeal of felonies of Athens, that sat today with a different composition.
The advocates of the three defendants (Emmanuel Giospas, Nikos Vogiatzakis and Errikos Rallis) who are free under conditions, as well as the lawyer of the imprisoned Alexandros Mitrousias repeated their demands against the members of the court, which they ascribe a series of procedural infringements for the decisions they have taken regarding the retaining of the identities of people that enter the court, in order to watch the trial, the non recording of the procedure, on the self appointed nomination of advocates of defence and the sending of the proceedings to the prosecutors office and the Lawyer’s Association of Athens.
The trial continued today (28/2), in absent of 6 of our comrades who deny to participate in the procedure, with the testimonies of three cops of the antiterrorist police, that participated in the surveillance of the house in Halandri.
The cops testified in court that, during the surveillance they made on the house, they saw an individual wearing a helmet throwing away garbage bags, where they located suspicious items, which were evaluated afterwards in the laboratories of the police. However, all three, as they said, had not observed any suspicious movement in the house.
The defence advocates of the defendants, that are present in the court, asked the witnesses to explain the reason why, although examined precognitive, they did not recognize no one, while, testifying to the interrogator, they named specific people. The cops insisted today that, seeing the faces on television, they combined the characteristics they had seen and concluded that it was these particular individuals that they named.
The trial will continue on Wednesday 2nd of March.
notes: from the 9 comrades today 28/2 woes in the court only 5 , A .MITROUTSIAS, KOSTANTINA KARAKATSANI, E. RALLIS, E. GIOSPAS, AND N. BOGIATZAKIS.
LETTER FROM K.KARAKATSANI
1. About the “Agreement”
Avoiding public controversy, I could not answer the statement of those who claim my attitude in order to put together the pieces of their scattered obtuseness. But I am doing it, to be consistent in my commitment to the wider struggle. I do not intend to step on the backs of others to rise seemingly, either way I have things to say.
But it would be very cheap and also would not help the political situation, to limit myself to what we said and what we did not say with some. The essential ruptures liberate so now I have no hesitation to break the taboo of public criticism of fighting actions. And of course, since some spoke more than they deserve, I have to mention issues that I would otherwise consider have no place in a public text. First, therefore, I will clarify my position, but i seek also to give food for thought from the moment we stand embarrassed in front of unfamiliar situations.
I will begin with the matter of the “agreement” that supposedly I made with my co-defendants. They wrote that they “talked seriously about the possibility of the trial to happen behind closed doors and how they would react to this possibility. From my side, I never participated in such discussions did not move on any pre-planned common action. The only thing mentioned to me, was the matter of the audience, ie not to let cops occupy seats so the largest possible number of people in solidarity can enter the room. This was the only thing we had reached an agreement on and all other requests came suddenly into the spotlight. Which means, their claim was not the product of an understanding or at least I did not know such a thing. Of course I did not express any objections to any demands and what happened the first day had my consent. Certainly for a moment I viewed the withdrawal as a gesture of protest because no one knew of the possibility of a trial in absentia. From the moment we were informed about it, everything came under discussion again and while I was possessed with skepticism, I avoided making hasty moves and statements that I could not process, within the very tight time frame. So, I did not commit to something, leaving temporarily a gap in my attitude. And because i functioned completely individually, like I intended, I did not communicate my thoughts to anyone. So, if I left room for misinterpretation, it was my fault and I accept it of course. Between that I agreed to enter demands and that I agreed to be tried in absentia, is a great distance. That I was asked and “assured that I still agree” and other such things that were written, is obscene lies.On the contrary they knew that I have not told my lawyers that i will cease them. But anyway, since the beginning of this case up to now I move completely independently, so I think I have not given any impression to my co-defendants, so they can imagine such agreements, that prerequisite proper consultation, the intention of fighting coexistence and comrade feeling. Concepts certainly that do not characterize our relations .. and made it clear to them, by telling them in the holding cells from the start: “you should know that i do not feel any unity with any of you”.
Meanwhile, in the intervening week until the next court, it should have been to everyone visible my differentiation from this situation: my lawyers do not participate in the press conference, my parents do not sign the text of the other parents, I do not align myself with texts and statements of the others. It is therefore obvious that I am handling this case alone and I will never proceed to cooperate with some, that as more suspicious now, I think that perhaps they wanted to turn the trial into a spectacular blockbuster and would find a reason either way to do so. (To be honest I do not think they all had the same intention)
2.about the court
In a previous letter I have already referred briefly to the reasons I chose not to leave the trial. We have as first fact, a court in full alignment with the regime’s totalitarianism. This is anything but surprising, as it is included in the overall context of the “special treatment” of dissidents, where everything is converted to “special”. Transport conditions, conditions of detention, conditions of litigation. And we experience it as “special” arrested, imprisoned, accused. Through this, expressions such as “legitimizing the practice of the judges” is the definition of a superficial approach. Nobody goes voluntarily to a court. So when any revolutionary is in a court with “special” features he/she “legitimizes” its practices, and therefore its existence? When they transfer you with bulletproof vests and stretched out automatic machine guns, you legitimize this process, and hence the existence of the anti-terrorist police? When we were in the offices of the prosecutors, did we “legalize” them as well? When you are a prisoner, again against your will, do you “legitimize” the existence of prisons? And because we are in places that naturally have hostile characteristics (holding cells, courts, prisons), generally what we do is to “legitimize” state terrorism? Eventually, everyone can experience in our time such procedures, but the question is how we stand in them. And if anyone still believes that the presence in court means “legalization “, then they would do well not to attend any proceedings for this case, nor another, nor to the appeals courts. Because the id cards will continue to be held and generally the same conditions will not cease to exist. We will be here. No one else, except time will decide who is consistent in his choices. To not attend a trial demeaning it, is a respectable choice of denial. Not going to a trial because you wanted to do something and it did not work out and you are trapped in your own selfishness is a result of bad strategy.
As for me, I’ll be there in order not to become a spectator of my conviction, especially when it is a case in which I do not accept the charges and my prosecution in general. And of course, every trial of such type can not but target from our side to the confrontation with the state, the emergence and diffusion of subversive ideas. And not to consume the insurrection of each one, creating a force field although strong, ineffective.
3.about the hunger strike.
Soon the situation slipped from the bipolar of presence or absence from the trial. It took other dimensions, when it was decided by some to start a hunger strike, in order to return to the trial after their demand concerning the holding of the identities is met, something which was obviously impossible. If the mobilization was decided considering no one will go to the trial (as they said), then the trial would finish rapidly. The strike would not have had time to evolve, the sentences would be announced, the state would have ignored this mobilization and it would have been permanently exempted from the Halandri case, without any discomfort. And on the other hand we dispersed in prisons all over the place with a sense of dissatisfaction on our consciences. With these facts, it is worth wondering where they base the assertion “we could have achieved a significant victory”. Not only there was no chance of victory, but in my opinion, the matter was also placed on a wrong base. The defeat was prescribed and that is why there was an attempt to avoid the strike. In the end it started a week late, for selfish reasons, just because it was announced.
And in the end, my presence at the trial marked the gaining of time. If the hunger strikers had taken their task seriously, they could see this as an opportunity to carry out their struggle. To exploit the duration of the trial, bringing the strike to the point where their health would put more pressure, and hopefully on the horizon would appear a promising prospect. But since they gave up, probably its not me who cannot take the weight! Personally I was not interested in any way to occupy myself with this move, since I saw from the beginning the unsuited exaggeration and non-productivity, so I cannot be attributed with any role of influence to it. The state is pressured by those who strike not those eating.
And to finish with the games to impress, let it be clear that these individuals, although they perceived the dead-end of this option, they thought they could not backtrack to not look like they are retreating and so they found in me a perfect excuse to retreat . And of course, when they were in front of their responsibilities, in order to not recognize that they were trapped by their wrong handling, attempted my moral and political obsolescence, in order for their own credibility to remain intact.
Besides, my attitude was which suited everyone. First: me who I said clearly I did not want to be tried in absentia, nor did I agree to it, second, the piece that also did not want, but expected the divisive factor Karakatsani to take the blame, but also the remaining piece looking for a smooth exit from the hunger strike. This is the piece that unloaded on me all the responsibilities in the review of a political failure of hunger strikers. Which better not be historically recorded as such, but as a result of a political imbalance, because then it reaches the point of commoditization of the instrument, its individual goals and achievements. To not historically be recorded as such, since the movement’s legacy remains alive the vivid memory of the hunger striker Christophoros Marinos in 1995 for his liberation, of the Turkish political prisoners in 2000 who were on strike for the white cells dropping dead one after another, the hunger striker Holger Meins exterminated by the German state after forced feeding in 1974, etc. Remain alive the memories to remind us that the strike is not a simple painless instrument but means of struggle in which is compromised the health and life of those who decide to use it. Alive or Dead. Either a winner and standing or a loser and lying down. A middle situation does not exist and no Karakatsani is an excuse to retreat. So lets be a little more modest. An honest self-criticism would have more chances to win the respect, unlike the responsibility feared backlash move, which cast the burden on my shoulders.
I am and I will remain INCONSISTENT for those who trivialize practices and demean forms of struggle that have historically been landmarks of struggles in revolutionary procedures.
INCSINCERE for those who shift their responsibilities to others, relegating even any sense of self criticism . I am and always will be DISRUPTIVE for those who choose moves that are on the verge of self victimization and give reasons to useless subjects to speak of me politically, who sabotage the revolutionary vision, more efficiently than dominance itself. (referring only to the arson in the Law school). And honorably, I am and I will be in the future ENRAGED, for those who adopt attitudes and behaviors that are not recognized within the scope of my political assessment. Also among other things, I will also be a traitor, to anything that does not coincide with my value and fighting positions.
Honest I will be only with those who consciously honour their value codes. My robust respect and consistency therefore will only be enjoyed by those who feel comradeship as the highest good. A concept that should be worn as a crown on our heads, because it is also the lobby of the post-revolutionary order.
P.S.: The reason I sent the last letter was very specific. I wanted to say a few words about the trial, but mainly intended to block some journalists who over did it on my attitude, in order for obvious reasons to promote the “rupture of the accused”. A crack that existed anyway, I just thought that i should treat it as an internal matter (of those who sit in the same dock), protecting it from any kind of enemies, visible and invisible, who are flattered by such statements, and not to expose it before all for cannibalism. As it seems, however, I was the only person who respected this value rule.
P.S.2: In the text of my co-defendants I could see that with a very petty political practice they tried to turn against me also those who stand in solidarity, writing that “I legalize the court’s decision to register the people”. Obviously i consciously discredit those who deliberately swallow, without chewing, these words. Whatever I say is for those who enroll themselves in the direction of building a strong revolutionary movement with healthy terms that will not step over respect, but promote it, will not cover up its political mistakes, but will learn from them.
As long as these situations find support within the movement, so long will they destabilize it, disintegrating it from within.
-female prisons of Koridallos. 25/2/2011
The comrades today asked for the actions that are attributed to them to be recognized as political. At the same time they submitted procedural objections for bad composition of the court as well as for the declaration of the official charges as vague. The objections were rejected repeatedly.
First, A.Mitrousias lawyer submitted three procedural objections that were also supported by the advocates of the present defendants E.Rallis, N.Vogiatsakis, E.Giospas and Konstandina Karakatsani.
Firstly, was submitted an objection of bad composition of court. Second, the advocates submitted an objection of jurisdictional matter of the court, because it is, as he said, for political actions, and not of common illegal acts. The advocates pointed out that the definition of terrorist action, according to the penal code, coincides with the definition of political crime, as this has been given by the the law. The public prosecutor, on the contrary, stressed that according to the Supreme Court the coup d’etat or the attempt of coup d’etat is only considered political crimes.
At this point comrade A.Mitrousias spoke up and commented that it is contradictory of the legal system to recognize the attribution of political criminal only in its “superior” hierarchical layers, as for example colonels that attempt a coup d’etat, but not recognizing it in simple teams of citizens that have a different ideology and wish to change order as we know it.
Thirdly, the advocate of A.Mitrousias, submitted an objection of vagueness of the official charge with the explanation that it includes ambiguities and vagueness in the basic evidence of the criminal actions attributed to the defendants. More specifically, he supported that the official charge does not define with clarity the attributed criminal actions, the place, the time, the way as well as the individuals by which these acts were commited. The court rejected also this objection as unacceptable. It is reminded that the same objection was submitted on the 7th of February from the lawyer of Konstandina Karakatsani.
The trial continues on Monday the 7th of March.
Doubts were expressed after testifying in the trial of the case of the revolutionary organization “Conspiracy Cells of Fire”, by the cop who had recognized the face of the accused, Konstandina Karakatsani, the girl who was seen entering the house in Halandri.
Policeman A’, Paraskevas Hinopoulos, who headed the operation of surveillance on the home in Halandri the alleged safehouse of the organization, responding to questions from the defense, today was skeptical about whether Konstandina Karakatsani is the same person as the girl who he saw coming and going from the apartment.
“they had pointed out to me another girl as Karakatsani. The girl I see here today I don’t think is the Karakatsani that I thought”, said the witness, after the persistent questioning by the defense.
Earlier, testified the former deputy Interior Minister, in charge for matters of public order, Panagiotis Hinofotis on the bombing that took place at his house in Paleo Faliro on July 11, 2009, an act which was claimed by the “Conspiracy Cells of Fire”.
Testifying, Mr. Hinofotis mentioned the explosion was very small, saying it could not harm a human.
“in the sphere of politics”, as he said, included G.Arsenis (ex-minister of education), the incendiary device explosion in September 2009 outside the apartment, where he lives with his wife Louka Katseli, testifying in the trial.
The explosion was on the 23d of September of 2009, amidst an election period, and the same day the cops raided H.Hadjimihelakis house which led to the arrests of the comrades. He said that the explosion was not big but there was thick smoke in the apartment block. He also said that the windows broke but the prosecutor reminded that the fire brigade broke them in order to let the smoke out.
“this surely is not positive for the country”
He added, though, that the state is too strong to be shaken with such acts, although they do “create an insecurity to the citizens”.
To a question by the defence lawyer if in these actions, the “alleged victim gains politically”, because of the sympathy of the citizens –especially since it happened just before an election- , the ex-minister answered “it is very likely”.
He added, though, that from the first moment, the intention he and his wife and also Pasok (ruling party now), was not to exploit the situation, but to demean it, as you can tell by their statements that period.
THE COPS GIVE BIRTH TO BAGS!
The garbage bags with the “suspicious content”, which are the basic evidence of the case, from three became four, and later were multiplied. However, the superiors of the Office of Information and research of the domestic terrorism section of the antiterrorist force, who were examined by the court on Tuesday, stated they didn’t know why the number keeps going up.
Specifically, according to what was read in the court room, the cops that found the bags in the bin testified that they transferred three bags, not especially full. The superior in the Research office, as well as the superior of the Information office of the antiterrorist also spoke of three bags. One of these bags had a logo on it saying “I don’t harm the environment”.
On September 21st 2009, the confiscation report that was written by cops of the Research office mentions that three bags are confiscated. But, on September 22nd, the document that accompanies the sending of the evidence to the criminology labs of the police describes four bags, which contain 18 extra bags and nine bags with the with the indication “I don’t harm the environment”.
The basic evidence of guilt against comrade K.Karakatsani was her print that was found on a bag with the indication “I don’t harm the environment”, which contained ingredients for an explosive device. When the comrades advocate asked the superior of the Research Office how it is possible “that the bags multiplied in the police offices” and how it is possible inside three half full bags to find “so many small bags that you could fill a small truck”, he answered he does not know why the number kept going up, however he stated with certainty that in his office “there is no way someone ‘filled in’ the bags”.
The superior of the research lab admitted that there were no reports made of evidence findings.
The superior of the Information office mentioned that during the surveillance of the house in Halandri, which was later baptized a “safehouse”, there was no document proving what time and who had shifts outside the house, while he destroyed the notes he had kept.
The testimonies of friends and fellow students of the accused, spoke of a normal student house, in which they had noticed nothing unusual.
The theatre continues on Thursday 17th March
The court decided that no suspicions exist of partiality at the expense of the defendants from the r22/3/2011
P.Masouras has been released because the 18th month period before being charged has expired.
In his proposal to the Court Council the responsible Public prosecutor Judge of appeals asked to impose on Masouras the restrictive terms of appearance each five days in the police department of his area, to reside in the house of his parents, which is the address he has declared and to prohibit him to exit Attica or the country.
The Council set for the release the obligatory appearance two times a month in the police department and prohibition of leaving the country.
egular and surrogate judges. Thus, the trial was adjourned until next Tuesday Friday, March 25, 2011
UPDATE ON C.C.F. TRIAL
Panagiotis Masouras returned to the trial today after being released a few days ago, having served 18months without being sentenced (the greek law states that if your on remand for 18months without being sentenced you are released).
Although the comrade so far has abstained from the procedure, he appeared today in the court and took a seat in the defendants stand. But he did not make clear if he will participate in the procedure, neither if he is “here” in the legal sense.
His lawyer did not appear but Panagiotis said he remains his lawyer he just could not come today. The trial continued with the testimonies of the defence witnesses. First the owners of the apartments that G.Nikolopoulos rented in Exarxia from september 2007 to january 2009. The owners spoke of a perfect tenant that completed all his responsibilities.
After that testified the mother of M.Giospas who is also H.Hadjimihelakis aunt. She lives on the 1st floor, above the house that was later called a “safe house”. Describing the people visiting her nephews house, she spoke of people who gathered to watch movies, play video games and have conversations without taking any precaution measures, with the windows always open and everything “out in the open”, as she said. She mentioned that she entered her nephews house many times and she never saw any, as she said, suspicious objects such as pots or wires.
Finally, describing the day the cops of the anti-terrorist force raided her house and the one below hers, she said it was the worst experience of her life.
“Men with masks and guns obliged me to remain under ‘house arrest’ for three days, while they searched both houses. They didn’t allow me to come into contact with anyone outside, neither to communicate with my son who they arrested without a lawyer”.
The theatre continues next Thursday.
Sunday, February 27, 2011
FREEDOM FOR THE PRISONERS OF THE WORLD WAR ON SOCIETY DEATH TO AUTHORITY AND TO CIVILIZATION PERSONAL SELF-CONTROL CAN REPLACE THE PREVAILING SOCIAL CONTROL Friends of the Earth”
anonymous report (translation):
“Evil defenders of the system through the power of money and clubs and bullets.
Our weapon is fire that we create.
Because what happens is what is done and what is said even though it seems
unreal for those who do not want to see reality.
In the early morning hours of Wednesday the 2nd, one of our incendiary devices
partially burned an automobile on Lavallol and Santo Tome (Villa del Parque)
as firefighters rushed to the scene.
On the night of Thursday the 3rd something similar happened on Arregui and
Avenida Segurola (Monte Castro) when we burned a Lumina truck, but unfortunately the owners were awake and put it out quickly.
And in the early morning of Sunday the 6th we burned a 4×4 truck that was reduced to ashes at the intersection of Santo Tome and Avenida Nazca
(Villa del Parque) half a block from where the sheep enjoyed
their parade along the avenue.
Dedicated to eco-anarchists spreading the fire in Mexico, to the prisoners
Adrian Magdaleno and Braulio Arturo Duran Gonzales in that country, to the
comrades imprisoned in Chile for the “bomb case,” to Walter Bond currently
awaiting trial in the U.S. for the “Lone Wolf” ALF actions, and to the
anarchists imprisoned in Greece from the “Conspiracy Cells of Fire” who are
also facing trial.
FREEDOM FOR THE PRISONERS OF THE WORLD
WAR ON SOCIETY
DEATH TO AUTHORITY AND TO CIVILIZATION
PERSONAL SELF-CONTROL CAN REPLACE THE PREVAILING SOCIAL CONTROL
Friends of the Earth”
“Ruines defensores del sistema por la fuerza del dinero a palos y balas.
Nuestra arma es el fuego que propagamos.
Porque lo que pasa es lo que se hace y lo que se dice auqnue no parezca
ser real para los que no quieren ver la realidad.
En la vacia madrugada del miercoles 2, uno de nuestros artefactos
incendiarios quemo parcialmente un automovil en Lavallol y Santo Tome
(Villa del Parque) ya que los bomberos acudieron rapido al lugar.
La noche del jueves 3 algo similar ocurrio en Arregui y Av. Segurola
(Monte Castro) cuando quemamos una camioneta tipo las Lumina pero
lamentablemente sus dueños estaban despiertos y lo apagaron rapidamente.
Y en la movida madrugada del domingo 6 provocamos la quema de una
camioneta 4×4 que quedo reducida a cenizas en la calle Santo Tome y Av.
Nazca (Villa del Parque) a media cuadra de donde los borregos disfrutaban
del corso por la avenida.
Dedicado a los propagadores del fuego eco-anarquistas en Mexico, a los
presos Adrian Magdaleno Gonzales y Braulio Arturo Duran Gonzales en ese
pais, a lxs compañerxs presxs en Chile por el “caso bombas”, a Walter Bond
que espera su juicio en Estados Unidos por acciones del FLA “Lobo
Solitario”, y a los anarquistas presos en Grecia de “Conspiracion de las
Celulas del Fuego” que tambien afrontan un juicio.
LIBERTAD A LXS PRESXS DEL MUNDO
GUERRA A LA SOCIEDAD
MUERTE A LA AUTORIDAD Y LA CIVILIZACION
EL AUTOCONTROL PERSONAL PUEDE CON EL CONTROL SOCIAL PREVALECIENTE
Amigxs de la Tierra”
“Early in the night of february 19 2011, under the light of full moon, we torched caterpillar bulldozer at the glade in Khimki forest north of Moscow, Russia.
“Early in the night of february 19 2011, under the light of full moon, we torched caterpillar bulldozer at the glade in Khimki forest north of Moscow, Russia. State and private capitals have merged in order to build the road through forest – we’re making them pay for every tree they cut.
Fiery solidarity with Mikalaj Dziadok, Aliaksandar Fratskevich, Ihar Alinevich and Maksim Vetkin – anarchists from Belarus (accused of various molotov cocktails attacks on state and capital offices), Adrian Magdaleno Gonzales and Braulio Arturo Duran from Mexico, Walter Bond (‘ALF Lone Wolf’) from USA, anarchists from Chili (Bomb Case), and those comrades persecuted in Greece for supposed membership in Conspiracy Cells of Fire.”
The report of search and confiscation concerning the search in the residence of Hadjimihelakis was rejected as fake by the advocates of the defendants, in today’s trial. The reason was the testimony of Afrodite-Nina Hadjimihelaki, mother of Manos Giospas and aunt of Haris Hadjimihelaki, who appears (in the report) to be present at the three-day search in the alleged “safe-house” where the recording took place. Afrodite declared in the court that she was present only the first hours of the search and afterwards she returned to her house, meaning the first floor, above the alleged “safe-house”, since she was under house arrest.
According to her, two days after the search was completed, cops of anti-terrorist force went to her house and asked her to sign the report of confiscation, a typed up 73page document which had as a date two days earlier. She denied to sign it.
The document had the signature of nine public prosecutors which, as it was mentioned on the report, were present during the recording. The witness claimed that for the hours that was present, she did not see public prosecutors.
After her testimony the defence advocates submitted an objection of falseness of the document and they asked that the public prosecutors that claim to have attended the search to be called as witnesses.
The theatre will continue on Monday 4th of April.
Update on C.C.F. trial 2/6/11
|Update on C.C.F. trial
The defendants in the trial for the organisation “Conspiracy Cells of Fire” might leave the court again. The reason is, the decision of the court to project in the trial dozens of photographs from their personal moments, that were found in cds and dvds that were confiscated along with their personal computers.
Snapshots from trips, carnival disguises, games, even certain… naked photographs are among the material that the Three-member appeals Court decided to show in front of all who watch the trial, despite the fact nothing of that is related with the actions of the official charges.
They said it offends their dignity, personal data and private life.
“I am unable to comprehend why our personal moments concern the court. You are acting like a peeping tom”, said P.Masouras, while M.Giospas addressed the judges asking “how you would feel if we projected in public the private moments of your children? ”
The remaining present defendants made statements in the same spirit, letting it be know that they will withdraw as well, if the court insists on the projection.
UPDATE ON C.C.F. TRIAL Today five of the nine accused for particiation in the organization “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” testified. 21/6
Posted on June 24, 2011 by actforfreedomnow
First was Panagiotis Masouras, who immediately from the start declared that he is not apo
logizing but making a political statement. He spoke of the “court martial” and of a “political” trial, while he stressed that he is in the court as a “political enemy of the hostage regime” and not as a common criminal.
The defendant denied to take place in the “false dilemma”, as he characteristically said, between innocent or guilty and stressed that he remains in the trial as a “political subject, uncomromizing”. He completed his speech with the phrase “Long live the revolution, long live the radical subversive struggle”.
It is reminded that Panagiotis Masouras initially had withdrawn from the process in protest to the non taperecording of the proceedings and to the retaining of the identities of the audience. Later, after his release because of the completion of 18months detention, he appeared in the trial without a lawyer and with no essential participation in the hearing.
After that spoke Manos Giospas. He mentioned that he has absolutely no relation with the charge, that he has denied it from the beginning to the end and that he is persecuted based on friendly and family relations. Note that Manos Giospas is a cousin of his codefendant, Haris Hadjimihelakis, and lives on the first floor, above the apartment in Halandri that later was named as a “safe house”.
He spoke of the conditions under which his arrest was carried out, outside his house, of cops from the antiterrorist force that shouted “put a hood on him” and tried to… tape up the mouth of his girlfriend, which they also arrested. He soke of a “hollywood arrest” and awful conditions of detainment in the holding cells, that aimed at his ridicule and no the verification of the truth. “If I had participated in the organization, I would have said so”, he mention characteristically, denying any involvement.
Errikos Rallis also denied any participation in the case. He stressed that he does not have any relation with the charges that are attributed to him and that for two years he is trying to understand why he is in this position. He spoke of the unacceptable practices of the persecutory mechanisms, who in collaboration with the Media leaked evidence of the trial brief and his photographs to the internet in order to justify his arrest and shape a proportional climate, “making up scenarios and mixing imaginary with real incidents”, as he characteristically said. He stressed that he wishes his prosecution stops and his honor and dignity are restored, which have been over slandered.
Nikos Vogiatzakis also denied the charges, stressed that he is not a member of the organization but is persecuted because he believes in the anti-systemic struggle, because he is an anarchist and shows solidarity to the comrades. He spoke also of penalization of the friendly and family relations and of the unacceptable practices of the antiterrorist force, which held illegal followings and arrested him violently, with masks and machine guns, without allowing him to speak to a lawyer. He made a retrospection to the time of his arrest and spoke of targeting of political spaces from the former minister of the Protection of the Citizen, immediately after the election of the new government in 2009.
Alexandros Mitrousias also denied the charges. He declared that he is not a member of the organization – which he characterized “organization of revolutionary violence” – and clarified that if he were a member he would take the responsibility. He commented that he had friendly relations with Haris Hatdjimihelakis and that he finds it natural that his prints were found in the house of Halandri. He also stressed that there are no evidence against him and that this is a penalization of friendly relations.
Remains the testimony of Konstandina Karakatsani,which will be next week. Haris Hadjimihelakis, Panagiotis Argirou and Giorgos Karagiannidis, who withdrew from the process protesting for the non taerecording of the proceeding and the retaining of the identities of the audience, are not expected to testify.
Letter from A.Mitrousias, accused as a membef C.C.F.(greece)
Posted on June 20, 2011
I send this short letter in order to clarify certain things in relation with the incident that took place on the 7/6 in the court where I am tried as well as for the distortion that was carried out by the media.
The real incident is that I had about 15 joints of weed for myself. The media degraded this fact to a different dimension, that allegedly members of C.C.F. are trafficking “drugs” in the court and other different imaginative stories, since the only members of this organization that were tried in the present court P.Argirou and H.Hadjimihelakis have withdrawn since the end of January, wanting obviously to exploit this incident make in order to hurt politically this specific armed organization.
Also they wrote that supposedly the weed was given to me by my co-defendant E.R., something that is of course false. From there on someone can say, that with this move of mine i morally and politically scorned such a court. I guess thats how it is. Fortunately or unfortunately I do not have any relation neither with moral or with politics.
Obviously, each one has the individual responsibility of his actions, and my action characterize and burden only me. What can i say, I am a black sheep since I realized what i am capable of. Thats all.
Letter from Errikos Rallis, accused as member of the C.C.F.(greece)
Posted on June 20, 2011
Once someone approached a priest and asked him to confess in order to receive a pardon of sins.
When he was asked of the sin that he committed he replied “simple slandering”.
The priest said that he cannot do anything about this.
Then he wondered how can a rapist or a murderer receive a pardon and not him.
The priest proposed to him to take a pillow, go to the top of a mountain, tear it apart with a knife and after scattering all the feathers in the air, pick them up again one by one and put them back in the pillowcase. Only then can he do something for him.
Concerning the incident that took place on 7/6/211 in the court of Koridallos prisons, if only it was just this.
Filing, misinformation, imagination, scenarios, speculations, prosecutions, charges, warrants, photographs, tv-trials, lies and other.
Incidents I see many, and i read even more.
Letter from Giorgos Karagiannidis(greece)
The facts are known more or less: on 17-1-11 began the trial of some of the accused of participation in the Revolutionary Organization. Conspiracy Cells of Fire. From its beginning it became obvious that democracy had decided to impose its terms, using the attendance of comrades as an occasion to strike in two fields: first to split the bond of the accused with those who come in solidarity in an effort to demean and depoliticize the trial and second to enrich the files of DAEEB (Authority of Confrontation of Special Crimes of Violence), with names and photographs for future use.
The direct reaction of the accused was to withdraw -spontaneous as well as decisive- it showed that we did not intend to tolerate the democratic totalitarianism.
Even if this move of ours, as well as those that followed, initially caused embarrassment and it blocked the development of the procedure, it also brought our collaboration as defendants to its limits, because of our major inhomogeneousness as a total, since we are individuals with different positions, opinions as well as personalities.
This of course in no case cancels the importance of the battle that was given, since it was the first time that it was attempted to answer, in a juridical room, straight up and substantially, the blackmails of democracy. As undeniable and historically fortified is the presence and the political defence in a court, it is also undeniable that it is not the only political proposal, since each action -given the history of political trials- has its own separate gravity. Revolutionary speech does not run out in the juridical rooms but mainly in the conversations of those who speak it.
Despite the errors and the weaknesses this fight constituted a precious experience in the direction of resistance to the destructive conditions that are imposed in political trials. An experience that needs to be capitalized, in view of the upcoming crowd of cases that will be tried in the following period aiming at the inversion of the climate in the special courts.
Bearing in mind the above, I consider that its understood why I insist on my initial decision to leave the trial, even though the “evidence” of my involvement has collapsed already since the first sessions. I consider that the axis of solidarity of the “inside” with the “outside” is the spear point of our counter-attack. This decision of course concerns this trial and not necessarily the next ones as well -without however excluding it- since every future decision will be taken with the then given facts.
P.S. Warm greetings to all who against the stubborness of our times, choose to express their solidarity by all means, giving meaning to the word.
Posted on March 28, 2011 by actforfreedomnow
24 March 2011
“In the framework of acting around the mass anti-cuts demo of 26th March 2011, we attacked RBS in Bristol during the night of 24th March 2011.
The main RBS building by Bristol Temple Meads was attacked by an anarchist affinity group armed with stones and glass bottles filled with paint, breaking windows and damaging staff vehicles. RBS, which was bailed out by the government, recently paid 780 million pounds in staff bonuses for the last year, plus 7.7million pounds bonus to RBS boss Stephen Hester. The government makes its money back by clawing it from the people at the base through the implementation of austerity measures and increased living costs, people who are already pushed to their limit.
We have acted outside the dimension of the mass demo on 26th March to make the point that, although some of us also attended there with the mass of the people on the streets of London, it is certain that our attack, solidarity and struggle demand of us that we act as well in our everyday lives and not just in the moment of spectacle. If the struggle stays at a certain level (essentially lobbying for the abolition of this or that law, the granting of certain rights, the manipulation of state finance, attending an ‘event’ etc), then the struggle will remain at a grotesque and unsatisfactory citizenism, perfectly in step with capital.
This action is dedicated to all those trapped in debt and struggling against the capitalist system on these islands, and it is also for those resisting corporate onslaughts abroad. We especially refer to those fighting against the Canadian Tar Sands mining project that RBS is funding, and to the peasants and allies fighting in Kulon Progo, Indonesia, against a similar project to extract iron from their coastline sands. The peasants in Kulon Progo specifically requested and appreciate attacks such as the one made against RBS on 24th March. The Indonesian state is not known for its record in human, animal and ecological welfare. Indonesia likes to hide behind the image of pleasurable modern tourism for rich Europeans and their university back-packer sons and daughters armed with gap-year money, mobile phones and laptops, whilst the reality on the ground is very different. British arms companies and banks have helped and continue to facilitate murderous deeds and carnage there.
Finally, we will never forget about the prisoners of the social war in Greece, where a sporadically strong anti-capitalist/anti-authoritarian/anarchist struggle has been happening now for years; this is for Simos Seisidis, who has a trial on 30th March 2011. We keep him in our hearts as an unknown friend and to him we extend our hugs; this is also for those prisoners of the Revolutionary Struggle – Nikos, Pola, and Kostas; for all the prisoners of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, those who take responsibility and those who are accused; this is for ALL of the comrades there, and also ALL the dignified prisoners here in the UK who do not bow their heads, outside or inside the walls… In these times if you don’t begin fighting, you are truly lost and deserve the contempt our enemies receive.”
RBS INDONESIA 1
RBS INDONESIA 2
Posted on April 2, 2011 by actforfreedomnow
Attacks by the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI) across three countries in Europe. The targets are directed at military, nuclear-industrial and prison targets within the frame of international revolutionary solidarity. The European authorities are trying to withhold details of the claims accompanying the explosive devices for purpose of denying the ‘value of propaganda’.
30 March 2011 – Olten, Switzerland: A package bomb exploded in the offices of Swissnuclear (the Federation of the Swiss nuclear industry) giving two office workers superficial burns. The attack is claimed by the FAI who outline a vision of their ideas and vindicate the action in solidarity with Silvia, Costas and Luca who are imprisoned accused of planning to attack a center of IBM nanotechnology in Rüschlikon, Zürich.
31 March 2011 – Livorno, Italy: A package bomb has been delivered to the Ruspoli barracks, a center of the Parachutist Brigade Commando which serves in Afghanistan. A soldier remains hurt and crippled. Lieutenant colonel, chief of general staff of the Brigade, highest in degree at the moment in the barracks. The explosion has amputated three fingers of the hand and injuries to the face and the legs. The target was carried away in a state of shock to the first aid. The soldiers at the moment do not supply details. Police investigation is underway. A claim of responsibility accompanied the explosion by the Informal Anarchist Federation.
31 March 2011 – Korydallos, Greece: The Director of Korydallos Prison receives a package bomb but it is detected and defused by technicians of the Greek police. From the Greek corporate press it is learned that inside of the destined package bomb to the director there was a claim of responsibility in the name of the Informal Anarchist Federation. The text has not been published, but Greek journalists report that a draft of two pages in Italian in which is mentioned solidarity to the captive companions of the revolutionary organization Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, and beyond to other prisoners locked up in the prisons of Switzerland, Germany and Chile.
Open letter of Christos Tsakalos Member of the r.o. C.C.F. from the prisons of Koridallos, regarding his attitude and the persecutory procedures:(greece)
Posted on May 10, 2011
On the 27th of April, Christos Tsakalos, for the case of C.C.F. with the upgraded charge of the managerial executive, was transported to the prisons of Koridallos, after a call for appearance at the juridical council, where he denies to appear.
Today therefore, Wednesday the 27th of April, I announce officially to the juridical authorities, to not “bother me again” with their repeated calls for my presence in the interrogative process, because they will receive my total refusal and my factual contempt.
There is not even a millimeter of dialogue to be shared with my judges.
As I have declared repeatedly in front of them, I do not recognize their process and I deny to legalize it morally and politically with my presence. I have a clean conscience and I do not apologize to officers of the state.
The only ones who will judge my actions are myself, the rebellious people that choose to be involved in the “crime” of freedom and history itself.
I deny to appear in front of them, chained up with the escort of masked up macho cowards of the EKAM (special forces) and the Anti-terrorist force, in order to participate in the joke that they have set up.
Therefore, I will not be present at these set up appointments.
On the contrary, the juridical mafia should be prepared for its appointment with its historical destination. Because these are the times, that apart from the money and the promotions to superior ranks they receive, the reward for the juridical operators could be a rain of bullets or a powerful bomb in their car. And this is not a threat, simply a reminder of facts and possibilities.
Despite all this, on the occasion of my public refusal to discuss with the juridical officers, I want to say a couple of words about the juridical gangrene that seeks to infect the anti-authoritarian circles as an epidemic.
If someone follows the course of the interrogations they reach the obvious conclusion, Juridical power functions for the state, as did the Inquisition for the Christian church in the middle ages.
There is no doubt henceforth that the trials that are to come are not simply trials against a revolutionary organization, such as the Conspiracy Cells of Fire, but are the juridical prosecution of an entire piece of the conflicting tendency of the anti-authoritarian movement.
These prosecutions are dictated by the uniformed will of the State, manufacturing often outrageous fabrications against anarchist fighters and having as an aim to criminalize the most active element of the subversive circles.
It is a process of deterrence of the most fighting and dangerous elements, so to prevent their constant mobility and their possible composition-connection with the unforeseen situations that will be caused in view of the social-economic crisis.
In order to achieve its plans, the State tries to prove that there exists an armed network of anarchists that, either is connected with the r.o. Conspiracy Cells of Fire, or constitutes autonomous “anonymous” terrorist organizations, without however having committed any actions,
(case of the Thessaloniki Comrades D.Dimtsiadis, M.Tsilianidis, F.Fessa, S.Tzifkas, arrested ).13/01/11
Of course the juridical authorities, reaching the zenith of offering services to the state, do not hesitate to imprison anarchist Dimitris Hadjivasiliadis for simple gun possession (he was arrested in an accidental police check with 2 pistols with him) “guessing” his intention to use them “in the performance of terrorist actions”.
The obvious truth is that his detention was decided because of his anarchist ideals that were already filed, from a previous arrest, in the drawers of the police authorities.
However, the juridical slaughter does not stop there. The public prosecutor syndrome of this era that inspires the juridical operators, scans the whole social spectrum of contacts of the ordered “suspected terrorists”. Friends and personal relations of the accused are arrested, photographed and finally imprisoned themselves (D.Michail, S.Antoniou, case of the 6 arrested in December).
Naturally, similar luck is held for the acquaintances and friends of members of organizations and anarchists that take political responsibility.
The last ones see more and more often close or known people to them (irrelevant to the charges that are attributed to them) getting arrested, decorating covers of newspapers and in other cases being imprisoned such as anarchist Panagiotis Masouras and other individuals for the first case of the C.C.F. Anti-authoritarian K.P. For the recent arrests again of the C.C.F. Anarchist Christoforos Kortesis, Sarantos Nikitopoulos and Vaggelis Stathopoulos for the case of Revolutionary Struggle, and K.S. for the case of anarchist Rami Syrianos.
As if that was not enough, juridical totalitarianism carries out another leap even more shameless than police arbitrariness.
In certain cases, even if friendly relations do not exist they are devised (in the case of anarchist Ch.Politis) while in others the coincidence of a surname (case of anarchist F.Mayer) will lead the modern detectives Cluseau to tragicomic situations of confusion involving them in amazing scripts of genealogical interconnection with the revolutionary organization RAF.
At the same time, when the lie that competes the arbitrariness is not enough, comes the “window front” of science to confirm the states alibi (case of anarchist A.Sirinidis who is imprisoned for shooting at a Riot Cop van, with sole evidence being DNA that was found in a mask that was collected in the wider area of Exarchia).
Finally, they never abandoned the “old familiar art” of manufactured and enlarged charges, as in the case of comrades The Anastasiadis Brothers ( Nadir case, Thessaloniki) and the imaginative robbery scenarios (case of Psahna, Evia, with the original arrest of individuals that are accused for robbery, without neither guns, or money).
Of course, the attack of the persecutory coup d’etat is preceded by the vanguard of the journalistic tv-court. If the Media did not exist to prepare the ground, the juridical system would not have accomplished to apply so shamelessly its barbarity, without meeting at least as a mound, the “democratic protests” of the “progressive institutions”.
The case of the 6 arrested in December is characteristic. The employees of the fake have a field trip in front of the cameras and through the television studios that the suspects (for them guilty) are members of the r.o. Sect of Revolutionaries.
As well, the first day they did not hesitate to recognize one of them as the wanted and with a bounty on his head comrade G.Tsironis (case of the “robbers in black”, where they accused also Marios Seisidis and his brother Simos, who was shot in the back by the pigs of the police and afterwards because of his injury the doctors amputated his leg. Hold Strong Comrade!)
When all these were proven sci-fi scenarios, the journalists said “No problem…” and re-served a new “truth” of interconnections with the r.o. C.C.F. A directed truth that the society of tv-viewers digested (as easily as the previous ones), said “thanks” and went to sleep quieter than the previous day and more disciplined for the next.
Henceforth, what cannot be condemned with real terms is condemned with spectacular ones on the “channel sacrifice” ritual of the Media. Today, only within the generalized climate of emergency that the journalists direct, the “Theater of Justice” can easily be set up.
Because today, more than ever, the juridical persecution does not seek “guilty” individuals, but it chases the general imagery of the “guilty” collective, targeting anti-authoritarian and subversive circles.
The confusion of the charges, the blurred legal mesh of trying intentions, the detentions based on the “certificate of social beliefs”, the vague orders form a formula that includes everything.
I therefore personally, as “consciously guilty”, having taken the responsibility for my participation in the r.o. Conspiracy Cells of Fire, did not expect anything less from our persecutors. They were worthy of their wage and their dignity.
When through the C.C.F. we unleashed a war without limits against authority and its officers, as was expected we were awarded by our enemy, a sentence without pretexts.
However, this does not mean that I will not speak. Besides, I am addressing neither the small dictators of the prosecuting authorities, nor the suited bellies of the directors, neither the intellectually crippled of the police services, nor a society that in the place of its heart has placed a bunch of keys; car keys, house keys, keys to the fence, keys to intellect, keys to compassion, and it locks, locks, locks its fears, hushing in front of the screens and smiles in front of the shop windows.
I am addressing the indisciplined and untamed spirits of our era, the small minorities that do not bow, the free thinking individuals, the rebellious people, the wolves that escaped the hunting.
We should not allow the wind to ease, because within us thousands of small fires continue to ignite our mutiny.
Our actions should speak even louder, shout more because on its own “no verse mobilizes the masses, no verse reverses regimes.”
It takes struggle, struggle, struggle.
Struggle with voices and chants on the demonstrations, struggle with a flaming molotov, struggle with stones, with paint, armed struggle, grenades and bombs, struggle with the pencil, pen and books, struggle with arsons and conspiracies, struggle and always struggle.
Finishing I remind my persecutors, that I have their justice written on the oldest of my shoes (greek proverb that basically means he does not care of it at all). I know the decisions of the courts that have not happened yet and the dozens of years that they are charging us with. I know, but I do not accept to bow the head to them. They should be sure that there will be harder battles.
As for my characterization so much by the Media, as well as the juridical officers, as a “managerial executive” of the organization, I throw it in their faces. Because they have learned to function with superiors and subordinates, they should know that the Conspiracy Cells of Fire has neither directors nor followers. Our only ideal is our conscience.
The present text should be considered also a spark for the hard and nonnegotiable fight that we will give for the achievement of political co-shelter and the creation of political collectives inside the prison.
We realize that the democratic totalitarianism unleashes some of its attacks covered up as an iron fist inside a velvet glove.
Already we the members of C.C.F, but also other comrades experience the improved regime of modern “political isolation”, since we are scattered to every corner of Greece, Corfu, Komotini Grevena, Malandrino, Domokos, Theva, Trikalas, Koridallos.
Most of us have been placed in protection wings, (there are locked up the most filthy subjects of prison, the snitches and rapists) in order we lose any social contact, or to get us charged with Disciplinary for beating up some of these human wastes we have for prisonmates.
Of course, I do not forget the regime of isolation that the members of Revolutionary Struggle suffer in the 6th wing of Koridallos and my support is obvious beyond and outside the political disagreements that exist.
This fight for the fracture of each isolation and for the constitution of political collectives of accommodation is the first step for a long course to the unspecified aspects of mutiny.
Closing I will “steal” some borrowed words:
“And the judges, as soon as he entered, leaned over and said something amongst each other. And then they asked him: Are you many? And he, no one knows if it was a coincidence or perhaps in order to answer, he pointed outside the window to the crowd. And the judges shouted: whats the need of other witnesses? And then they remembered, that this speech had been said before many years ago.
And they were taken by a great fear.”
Dedicated to my brothers, the comrades of the Conspiracy Cells of Fire, G.Tsakalos, O.Oikonomidoy, P.Argirou, G.Polidoros, M.Nikolopoulos, Ch.Chadjimihelakis, M.Nikolopoulos, D.Bolano.
I send also my comrade greetings to the Italian comrades of F.A.I and to the Mexican anarchists of F.L.T. (E.L.F.),
I remain with my thought next to the comrades in Chile that are on hunger strike for the “caso bombas”.
LONG LIVE THE r.o. CONSPIRACY CELLS OF FIRE
LONG LIVE THE INFORMAL ANARCHIST FEDERATION – INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY FRONT
Christos TsakalosMember of the r.o. C.C.F.
From house arrest in Santiago, Chile – Mónika Caballero in solidarity with the comrades of the CCF and with Billy, Silvia and Costa
In anticipation of the start of the political-judicial-thriller media spectacle known as “caso bombas”, I am breaking the silence of house arrest to send a fraternal greeting to the comrades theo.r.c.c.f. who yesterday saw the conclusion of their first trial. The exemplary vindictive measures of the powerful have shown themselves in the territory denominated the Greek State.
It may seem a poor strategy on the part of one risking a sentence of 20 years’ prison (accused of participation in a non-existent illicit terrorist association and the placing of explosives) to show solidarity with people who declare themselves guilty, but I am not interested in entering the rationale of the oppressors and observing implacably as they imprison the warriors that collide with this society and who, attacking, passed to action with conviction. Solidarity to those who have passed to the offensive has always been criticized by the pseudo-revolutionaries who see anti-authoritarian practices as youth fashion, and when the war carries high costs they take a distance and become mere spectators of a battle which they have neither the ovaries or the balls to continue, nor is it to make a group sacrifice or deliver oneself easily to the enemy.
But what would happen if you did not make acts of solidarity toward those who have been struck by capital? Is it less dangerous to support those that are legally innocent? I am an anarchist and I am not interested in the laws of society. Solidarity is not just a high-sounding word of communiques, it is material and concrete practice.
Wherever they are, an imprisoned anti-authoritarian cannot feel alone. Tomorrow could already be late…
For you prisoners of the “Halandri case”:
I read your communiques and declarations, I have made many of your words my own and cherish them like a beautiful treasure, without ever having had the opportunity to exchange a word with you I call you comrades and I feel your heavy sentences in my bones.
The hegemony of power uses (will use) the same strategies, the trial that is being carried out in this part of the world is a bad copy of other trials, your trial will be a model to be followed for many governments, it will be “the great antiterrorist victory”. But all this happens where there is the most beautiful disobedience. Ideas cannot be defeated, indeed they reinforce themselves in others that hold them carved in their chest. I imagine the pleasure on the faces of the guards at seeing the bodies of such worthy people behind bars, anger and disgust inebriate me at a mere attempt to be in their place. Prison, death and escape are in the DNA of the unyielding, they are the cost for having bitten the chains.
Walls and borders separate us, ideas unite us.
A tiny gesture… I hope it will give you a smile in these hard times.
I would like to take this opportunity to send a hug of solidarity to Silvia, Costa and Billy
I give you a poem by Sandra Trafilaf, political prisoner of Pinochet’s military dictatorship, written around 1984.
“Fences and metal doors
surround this underworld
trying imprison our joy of living
the letters of my comrades
in this improvised writing desk
cries and voices from afar
mingle with their words
confused, dark memories
of murderous volleys
and all the same I
fill up again with struggles
I am not alone.”
An anarchist awaiting trial
Ps: I would like to thank each individual and/or collective that spreads each release and makes possible interaction between comrades.
Political statement from Nikos Vogiatzakis
On 23/9/2009, at 19.30, while coming out of the house of comrade P.Masouras we were surrounded by 15-20 people of the anti-terrorist force, wearing helmets and hoods and aiming at us with their guns, immobilized us and led us to the cop car. Then a cop speaking on his mobile phone said “we got them, we are coming.” Ofcourse when we asked them where we are going and what happened, we got no answer. When we got to GADA (athens police headquarters) they led us to the 12th floor and put us in two different offices, where they told us to stand facing against the wall. After a few arguements and tension the one in charge came in screaming ecstaticly :”this is how the state fucks” and “we are at war”. Three-four hours later after his delirium he invited me to his office for a “friendly chat”. He began by saying that i am a good kid and im getting in trouble for no reason, that my friend gave me up and all i have to do is tell him everything i know and then i will be free.
He continued by intensely questioning me about situations i did’t know of.
Because I kept on asking why i am there and to communicate with my lawyer, he took me to the office i was in earlier.
After a few hours, around 13.00 or 14.00 on 24/9, they announced to me that i am free and if they need me they will call me again. To my questions where Panagiotis is and why was in GADA for so many hours, they replied that Panagiotis is arrested and i will learn the rest from the tv when i get home.
From there on began a continuous surveillance of the anti-terrorist force at an annoying level, until the 1st of February, when they arrested me outside my house. When they led me to the 12th floor, they informed that there is a warrant for my arrest since the 13th of January which idid not know of desoite that they knew where i live. The evidence of my prosecution were a blue plastic bag with a french pamphlet, that were found in the house on 25 Martiou street in Halandri. When i was led to the mafioso of the appeals court i was imprisoned with quick procedures. They told me i don’t have a permanent residence although i was arrested outside my house. They told me also that i could end up murdering someone with the books i read.
I was led to prison and was released 1,5 month later. Whoever understands, understands.
In September 2009 cops of the anti-terrorist force raid a house on 25 Martiou street in Halandri. There they find an explosive device in a closet of one of the rooms in the house. Comrade Haris Hadjimihelakis is arrested as well as M.G. and M.P. and warrants go out for 6 more people. Panagiotis Masouras is arrested in Galatsi and is imprisoned. Comrades who deny the charges are imprisoned with sole evidence a fingerprint in a house or their friendly and comrade relations. This case has as a target the penalization of friendly and comrade relations. The arrests of the comrades and the warrants, were in the frames of dismanteling or causing a wound to the R.O. C.C.F. in September 2009. They were the desperate attempts of the government to reverse the the climate for the upcoming elections of October 2009. After the elections PASOK continued the relay race and the ministry of public order was taken over by sheriff Chrisohoidis, who being “experienced” in the matter of “terrorism” (17th November case, Revolutionary Popular Struggle case) continued his work by targetizing political spaces. The next step was the 600.000 euro bounty on comrades (S. and M.Seisidis and G.Tsironis). A move that would tempt a society thirsty for intrigue and money. The warrants based on this logic, continue, people get involved in the case without any evidence against them, even without knowing their co-defendants. The clouzeausof the anti-terrorist got to the point of claiming that parents of an accused were members of the RAF, even that her father died in a shoot out with cops which of course is not true. The media parrots contribute to this. The circulation of photographs of wanted or arrested comrades like an icon in the windows of tv-trials and police stations. The arrests, the raids from the muts of the anti-terrorist force, the dozens of un-confirmed infromation on the police snitching phone lines, the surveillance. Even the photographs of personal moments or vacations are publicized in newspapers from a snitch journalist known for his collaboration with the police. The specific photographs were part of the court papers and should not have access to them. The prosedure of information is filtered, creates wrong impressions, darkening of the truth, partial information of the real dimention of the events as well as partial use of it.
The reason of my persecution is political. I would be incosistent with my political beliefs if i was waiting for my vindication through the democratic prosedures and junta courts, which are set up in the soul warehouses of the state. As an individual with dignity i do not accept appeal judges to butcher or nuns prosecutors to agree with the deprivation of my freedom. I am not a member of the organization of which im being prosecuted for. I am prosecuted because i believe in the multiform subversive action and the anti-systemic struggle. I am an anarchist, i deny the charges, i stand in solidarity to the comrades of the R.O. C.C.F. and to all the decent prisoners who continue the struggle from inside the prisons.
Update on CCF trial, athens greece
Posted on July 7, 2011 by actforfreedomnow
7/7he trial continues with the allocutions of the defence advocates of Kostandina Karakatsani. Last Tuesday, public prosecutor D.Dosoulas put in his proposal in which he asked for the acquital of Manos Giospas, Errikos Rallis and Nikos Vogiatzakis while for the rest he asked for them to be found guilty but with variations to the charges. The advocates of E.Rallis, M.Giospas, N.Vogiatzakis, A.Mitrousias have already given their allucation.
Political statement of G.Karagiannidis (greece)
My presence here des not in any way signal the acceptance from my part of the attribution of a defendant Even though i consider that the up to now development of the process brought down the ridiculous evidence of my involvement in the case. We all saw the cars that change colour, the pots that change size at will and other ridiculous things. Besides, we should not forget that with evidence of proportional gravity a was warrant of arrest was issued for a non-existent person.
Despite all this I preferred not to communicate with the court and, infront on the blackmailed terms, to abstain from the specific procedure.i chose to degrade with my turn as it degraded the accused and comrades in solidarity. Besides its conclutional role in at the orders of the service of court and the intentions of their political supervisors were revealed clearly a few days ago, when they immediately ensured the equipment that was required to project irrelevant with the case photographs of certain of the accused, while in our initial demand for the tape-recording the trial had an amazing cost!!!
This fact of course is a drop in the ocean of the more general juridical arbitrariness, however indicative of the terms with which the trial is carried out.
Naturally it could not happen differently. And this because in substance this remains a political trial, despite the effort to delete its significance from the modern democratic regime. It is a trial where two worlds collide.
From one side the cluster of four authorities with as spear head the judiciary, allazonic and snobbish, shielded behind its legal code.
Condensation and justification of the sovereign code of values of society. And on the other side people with different paths, choices, references and characters, with a common however denominator.
People that affix significances such as friendship, comradeship, solidarity and do not hesitate to pay for them with a personal cost.
People who in the end that resent this world and do not bow the head infront of it. In these last ones I place also myself.
Inevitably therefore I deny to testify in front of you. The lines between us are clear and nothing can blur them up.
Its the difference between the subjugated and insurrected conscience. This is why I deny to recognize your procedure and to communicate with you.
You can only condemn me and not judge me. Thus you can only acquit me and not justify me.
The only crisis that I consider and interests me really is that f myself and those who feel that we share the same repulsion for this world, its organs and its roles.
translate by boubourAs/actforfreedomnow!
Political statement of P.Masouras, in the special court martial of Koridallos prisons 21/6 (athens-greece)
Beginning I want to make it clear to everyone that today I stand in the dock as a political enemy of the regime in captivity and not as a
Crime is a privilege of those who break the law legally. Given this situation therefore, I declare that I do not intend to plea. I do not plea because a fighter when confronted with the juridical mechanism, in no way could present an apologetic character. The term plea carries the meaning of repentance. I do not regret the fact that I am a revolutionary. Making therefore a well-aimed, but also politically correct replacement of the term plea I will place that of a political statement.
To begin I will say few words about the attitude I kept during the trial. Making therefore a small retrospection to the recent past in the frames of this political trial, we will realize that the measures that had been taken in order to carry out this procedure was nothing more than an effort of isolation of political prisoners, but also a clear message of polemics to the value of bidirectional solidarity. The four powers together, attempted to overwhelm their antiregime enemies. They tried to crush us morally, politically, substantially. This plan should be blocked. Whether they accomplished it, under what conditions and with which terms is something that using as a tool political education and conscience is left to be judged. The result of the move is known, and the conclusions belong also to those who watched it. For someone to claim that your strategy is based on repression and fear is certainly a point of view which however still floats as a cork on the surface of revolutionary conscience. What I realized is that beyond fear and repression there is also the choice.
If we look at little more carefully and attempt a short retrospection in the history of the subversive movement in the countries of the west during the period of the ’60s-’80s we will realize that the strategy that you have applied in your court martial is not some type of innovation in the sector of the repressive policy. Therefore today we experience conditions familiar from postwar Italy, federal Germany, post Franko Spain, France, Greece where anything before ’74* was called resistance while later was renamed terrorism. Then the antiregime enemies that were persecuted for participation in armed revolutionary organizations but also for a wider range of subversive practices, experienced and were tried in identical regimes of isolation and repression. Thus these are the times where we will face the registering and retaining of the id cards of those who wish to watch political trials. It is when they occasionally use as evidence the presence of someone in a court room, activating laws of emergency and the prosecutions take the form of a pogrom. Then the judges indiscriminately remove the public and occasionally the accused from the rooms. It is when the carabinieri, units of B.K.A. and guardia civil, flood well armed the perimeter of the court rooms and attend the detention rooms where the accused (whenever and if they have a possibility) communicate with their advocates and their family. It is the times where from the presentation of the proceedings result trials that have been carried out without spectators, lawyers even accused.
We will also meet in absentia trials and sentencing’s. Then as well as now however the conclusions remain the same. Such trials have a predicted result, since the juridical power acting for superior political figures, serving the interests of international and national capital but also the internal condition of legal order and safety, factually shows that the juridical body as an extension of the protection of the economic and political elite simply holds the role of a decorative puppet. Meetings of such type therefore, simply constitute a public ratification of an always political decision which has been taken beforehand. A sentence already cut to measure.
Within this condition therefore some of us attempted to build a barricade of refusal and factual dispute towards the policy of isolation and de-meaning. We placed our word and our practice, against the positions of the juridical mechanism and not only. To the well sharpened razor of blackmail we chose not to turn the other cheek but to also answer with a razor. It is a practice that leaves I think an important but also essential deposit in the history of the revolutionary community, a deposit that as common is placed to evaluation, is exposed to criticism, is susceptible of self-criticism and why not enrichment and development. I hope this fighting movement contributed in its way in an attempted recording of history with another language, that of refusal, with another attitude, that of factual dispute. Maybe there was no way we could win, maybe defeat was a given beforehand as a public opinion sais. I will answer with the words of a redbrigade member who said that such perceptions belong to those who believe in Virgin Maries that cry. To look again therefore at history with these terms as irreversible and acceptable, means that we accept them in their totality preventing at the same time the transmission of new political positions, perceptions and practices.
Continuing therefore, I must admit that the expiry of the 18month pre trial detention period and consequently my release hit me quick. With the new facts therefore that dictate my presence in this room I must clarify certain things. Attending therefore free, under conditions, this room, I do not want to give you the impression that I am here to caress your ears with words of repent and tearful evasions and explanations. It would a wrong estimation on your side that today I came up to the dock in order to rectify or to claim lenience or humanitarian sympathy. What I want from my political step is the creation of a new proposal, a new point of view, an answer which will create spaces of antiauthority independently of whether they are inside or outside the walls, contributing thus to the promotion of the necessity for the tenacious conduct of the subversive struggle. I honor therefore also with my turn those who with dare and unselfishness that characterizes the comrades, who are right now in prison, denying to present themselves in front of you spitting thus with political sobriety and courage your blackmail in your faces. Because the promotion of the word and practice of a revolutionary conscience cannot run out just in a juridical room.
You deny therefore to admit that we, surely not all, are political enemies of the regime in captivity or in a special hostage regime. You deny to judge us as political opponents even though you judge with antiterrorist laws that persecute political “crimes”. You judge us in a court martial that resembles more of a pigsty then a court room, from the asphyxiating presence of those acting for the legislative and juridical power. I am therefore guilty before your verdict is heard. Guilty because I am not peaceful, because I am not a slave, because I did not bow the head, because I do not accept social segregations, because I am a person and as a person I also have dignity. Guilty because i carry another proposal for life, another thirst for a different discovery.
You deny the political motives and criteria, attempting to entrench an alternative proposal, a political proposal, which if became acceptable as such then your own political system would come to the final form of self-reversal accepting that your democracy is not perfection regarding the culture, the relations, the political education. If you recognized our position therefore the absolute knowledge and truth of your neoliberal policy would collapse. Here are defendants that do not accept their role as such, but as the accuser. People that do not accept the dialogue between revolution and counterrevolution. Your values, your ideals as guards of social peace and legal order are not respected by the anarchists. I deny to give any explanation to you, I take a position of rupture, so that between us a rudimentary channel of communication can be de-activated. You therefore from the position you are have the advantage to practice permanent criticism and to produce dispute. In 1929 communist Rakoczy asked his judges:
Who are you? What do you represent? What is the historical reason of your existence? If I attempted today a posthumous dialogue, I would say that you are a gang of self-appointed executioners who function as a wall of protection for the political and economical elite, that you represent and guarantee, always guarding, the sick norms of capitalism in the lives of people, as you represent also the sold out consciences of subjugated and also weak-minded social beings. That the historical reason of your existence is no other than for burying revolutionaries in cement and steel, to drown in the spirit of terror and repression any anti-conventional, subversive social outburst, bloodsheding thus every breath that is not synchronized with the majoritarian social death rattle.
If we turn back the clock we will realize the standard tactic of extermination and isolation of political prisoners on an international level. Imprisonments, executions, attacks on revolutionaries, on the structures of subversion and the hearths of resistance around the world are basic conditions for the existence of capitalistic countries. The aim is to crush the world front of the revolution that works continuously for subversion. The policy of isolation and the internationalization of capitalistic repression are prompted with all means. With the inflexible line of imperialistic sovereignty, with the international co-ordination of military units, the upgrade of power of the secret services of the police from the technocratic education, from the brainwash via the media, religion, family, from the amputation of the conscience in school cells, the blackmail of wage slavery, the mass imprisonments and prosecutions of fighters. When someone speaks of exterminating conditions of imprisonment and murders of revolutionaries, the night of death in Stuttgart in the high security prisons of Stammheim comes to mind, when fighters of the R.A.F were found shot, stabbed and hanging in their cells. Stammheim therefore is not only in Germany. Stammheims unfold everywhere in the world. From Turkey with the F type cells where the political prisoners dropped dead one after the other during their transfers and where in the revolts and in the fights that they carried out in order to abolish this prison regime 122 of them were murdered. From the FIES regime in Spain where it is indicative that certain cement graves such as El Dueso, Okania 1, Puerto de Santa Maria and Erera de La Mancha were called by the prisoners nests of torturing, madness and extermination. From the prisons of isolation in Voghera, Rebibbia and the exile island for the red brigades in Asinara, Italy was indicative of the conditions of hospitality that were saved for political prisoners. And from there to Germany where some hellholes such as Ossendorf in Cologne and the prison of Hamburg were left at the mercy of psychiatric researches under the name SFB 115 (special field of research) under the monitoring of the main torturer psychiatrist Gian Kros and with the financing of the USA. From there to the special prisons in France to the H blocks for the IRA and for the INLA in England, to the underground dungeons of Latin America. And travelling again back to Greece we will meet the white cells where they hold the R.O. 17November and the special regime of imprisonment and isolation of the political prisoners.
In order for revolutionaries to not forget their position, they should never forget the continuous, relentless and first of all justified war. To the blackmail they answer with stubborness, action, integrity. To persecution and imprisonment, they answer with a grin and with a heart made of ice that holds thousands of promises, proposals of life and struggle. To the repression, assimilation, the alienated life, the charge of capitalism they answer with struggle. Tough, continuous, subversive struggle.
It would be cheap of me to follow the false dilemma innocence or guilt. Even though you know that you do not have any evidence on me. I am therefore as guilty as the practice of revolutionary dispute in the eyes of the subversive movement and the fighters. What your missing is that by imprisoning and executing the reolutionaries, you cannot imprison and execute the revolution itself. This constitutes one of the convenient delusions of your mechanisms of power and your perceptions. You do not get that even if you bury us alive, you forgot to steal the sky, which anticipates our own stormnig. You believed that by sending armed EKAM (special forces) to smash our head with their gunstocks and scatter us to prisons, that you would manage to take from us the most precious things we have, the faith in ideas, values, the struggle. With surplus naivety you believed that our knees would love the floors of cells, corridors, isolation cells and the courtyards of every prison. Now two years later I present to you the results. You are not holding as a flag my political and moral defeat, only a pile of papers that is unable to imprison my soul.
I am not here to be liked in the eyes of any judge or public prosecutor. I am here as a political subject who my conscience compels me to give my point of view for the order of things. This is why I stand uncompromising.
The great importance today is closer to our integrity as fighters and less to the result. Its near this boldness and pride that are daily tested in the various types of galleys of this totalitarian regime.
Whether these are called prisons, work spaces, conventions, dead ideologies, false dilemmas.
The potential therefore of a sentence because I am not watching my language is not enough to deter me from to stand proudly for my quality as a person.
I don’t make discounts in my thought and my speach even though i know that I could be tried informally with law 509 from 1947.
The only difference is that i am not propagating communism but anarchy.
For some people the struggle is like a precious flower which in order for someone to acquire it they must walk and stand straight on the edge of the cliff. Those who walked on the edge or those who approached it, the establishment saves for them a unique scale of confrontation. All those who fight or those who are ready to fight, already know or on the course will realize that the state chases its enemies, like an enraged dog. Delusions in this do not fit.
It wouldn’t be a mistake for someone to admit that in periods of elation of the radical-subversive struggle, authority answers with a combination of sycofanty and repression to those who resist. In this deterministic frame prison is and should be considered as an extremely likely case.
The current greek experience has confirmed it in the most defining way. The regime today, more than ever decides to vanish the internal enemy. Dozens of imprisonments of fighters with non-existent evidence, D.N.A.samples, fingerprints in houses or portable objects, penalization of friendly and comrade relations, many comrades in illegality (a peculiar hostage regime), the terror-law is always being upgraded in order to targetize anyone, they create a climate so that they can exterminate the fighters and intimidate anyone who can potentialy go against the aims of the regime disturbing thus the order and social peace. Thus everyone who attacks the existing is called to conteplate for all they have to face, but also to act during their likely captivity in the modern dungeons of democracy.
Maybe some indeed believed or even continue to believe, that throwing us in the dungeons will make us regret that we want a different society. A world without states, exploitation and violence. Maybe they think that their correctional policy, that is staffed by its disciplinary extension that is called people-guard, is capable by locking us up our in the diciplinary room makes the courage of a person that fights to recede.
The prisons are presented as the institution that is called to re-establish and reform the social, according to the regime, carcinoma that constitutes their interior.
The disciplinary and repressive structures of the modern crematoriums, seek to isolate the individual from any social sequence. Mental isolation, intellectual, physical, psychological. Its this space that maintains and externalises the misprint of the human kind. And the revolutionaries being there we live in a mausoleum, in a world of dead from ideals and alienated existentials. This is the morbid micrography, of your modern totalitarian regimes. It is this micrography that reflects with clarity the cannibalism of capitalism in its supreme, condensed form. It is this microcosm where the human existence, realizes easier the quality of the majoritarian point of view of the society which it is included in. Snitching, selfishness, the plague of drugs, the conventions of suburban logic, the enslavement, but also the economic, intellectual and political destruction, are nothing more than itself the face of society, where alienation and exploitation engrave its cheeks as a razor, remind us that the moral and value carcinoma that it carries, should be destroyed. This is picture that is promoted by your systematic norm and is realised by your correctional policy, that aims basically to capture the struggle of the person against authority.
Prisons however are not only behind tall walls and dead areas. They are installed in the institution of family, education, in the interpersonal relations, in the army, in the flashy but always fake smiles that the people around you give you. Prisons are installed in religion, in quiting, in the passive acceptance. All this social cluster of the disciplinary mechanism, represents our stolen life, the lack of freedom, the oppression, the exploitation that each person suffers.
Prisons are not only at distant locations but live and exist inside us.
I therefore, an outlaw for the regime, I am judged today by the mainly legal-illegal and the modern collaborators.
The reason i am here today here is a result of the governmental logic. Therefore the political spectrum takes an autistic approach, which fixes that the democratic regime is the ideal highest point of a civilization and that this could never be disputed. The regime has the hallucination that it can possess the monopoly of violence in the society of people. When therefore some come to bring them down to earth in the field of reality with the theory and action of dispute, the state tries to reppress and absorb them.
That I did not hide my ideas under the rug of incarceration, is surely something that you do not like. Even if in the beginning they threw me in prison because of political pressures and intentions, it was a given that after that if I took the role of the good prisoner and collaborative arrestee, the probabilities of me being out in society earlier once again would obviously be better.You did not achieve my political defeat. Your repressive structures turn to rubble when they attempt to absorb the revolutionaries.
The position of a revolutionary in prison, should be considered a starting point of attack. According to the above therefore, I published a number of political letters, overlooking the fact that I would worsen my position, since the non-existence of evidence incriminating me is clear to me and i was indeferent to the consequences, because I had debt towards the comrades and to the struggle to hold high the flag of the tenacious political position, even in these conditions. I considered and I consider therefore that my means of escape from a captivity that is characterized by the vengeance and non-existence of proof, is not the logic of hiding my political positions in order to get a more leniant treatment. On the contrary my position is next to those who which we share the same intense concerns and reflections, next to every insurrectional individuality that knows to dare.
I will not allow them to present me as a victim of the DAEEB. And I do not allow it because a revolutionary could never be a victim. Because a fighter is always a prospective winner.
If someone today is looking for victims, they should look at the alienated social cluster that is a prisoner in its majority of the suburban conventions that the establishment produces, but also of those who have raised submission and fear in their code of ethics. I could invoke my innocence and thus give a fake substance to the direction of my political statement. I will not tiptoe on such fake dilemmas.
Innocence and guilt, given the fluidity that characterizes them as meanings when they are divided between two worlds, are eminently variables.
Surely therefore theres no room for delusions that this special room is the juridical firing squad against free people.
The regime and suburban callings in the form of a Gospel reach our ears in their thousands. Look after yourself, defended your money, love your god, fall for your homeland, work, consume, live just like another number and die.
I do not fight and i do not love nothing from the above. I do not behave as a number but as a sum of my choices. This is where our vital difference is.
I am not hear today in order to I prove my “innocence”, but for the juridical and antiterrorist mechanism to prove my “guilt”.
It is not difficult for one to see that your democratic regime is just like in the past and present of the totalitarian regimes around the world. Whoever does not compromise and is not absorbed, is repressed and exterminated.
For you therefore i should become an active citizen, who via his vote will select his next dominator. A good christian who will pay his faith, with his coins in the box of your god. A proud Greek that will be enlisted and if needed will fall heroicly in favour of the homeland vindicating thus your economic and national interests.
Because therefore I do not have a dominator on my kneck, neither a god and homeland, because I did not walk with the dominating social ethics, I was subjugated and I did not bend I am the perfect model that you call a terrorist. If my values and principles do require a cracking down on, with pride I declare myself a “terrorist” overlooking any cost.
If you are waiting therefore for me to make statement of sincere repentance because I live with dignity, you must have the patience of Cicifus, because I do not regret for my ideas.
I will not allow the regime propaganda and the media cannibalism to continue classifying us as exclusively employed criminals. I won’t allow those who legally commit crimes against the many to think that they have the right to try us, judge us and ask us to apologize.
If someone can judge us this is only the memory of comrades in the event that i do not stand to the height of the occasions and worthy of the expectations and requirements of the struggle. If someone can judge us, this is ourselves. We on our side if we continue with courage to live against our era, the moment of total inversion will appear in front of us.
If some should be accountable, these are the same that staff this mechanism of authority of this totalitarian regime. The revolutionaries are the only ones that will not apologize today.
Finishing, i look at my enemy with courage and sobriety. Looking at you I recognize the executioners of freedom, the persecutors of the deniers of capitalism and authority, the torturers of dignity and inquisitors of the revolutionary conscience and the prospect of a postrevolutionary free society. Looking at you I become an accuser and I judge you guilty of the utmost treason against all free and fighting people.
Long live the Revolution. Long live the Radical – Subversive struggle.
… After the end of his political statement, the chairman of the court addressed P. Masouras asking him if he intends to answer the questions of the court, receiving the answer: “I clarified from the beginning that I am making political statement and i am not apologizing therefore obviously theres no field of dialectic between us.
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Athens Greece Statement of comrade Nina Karakatsani’s conserning the trial (of fist xalandri case ) in July 2012
First Fire Cells Conspiracy trial ends with severe sentences 19 07 2011 athens….
On September 25, 2009, a warrant was issued for Karakatsani’s arrest on charges of belonging to the Fire Cells Conspiracy, and she was ultimately arrested on April 22, 2011. She denies being a member of the Fire Cells Conspiracy, but was nevertheless tried in the so-called “Halandri case” (for three specific Fire Cells Conspiracy attacks) and sentenced to 11 years in prison.
December 7: Hearing in front of tribunal of Athens Supreme Court to examine petitions to suspend sentences of Konstantina Karakatsani.
Statement of comrade Nina Karakatsani’s conserning the trial (of fist xalandri case ) in July 2012
First of all, I deny the charges. I do not feel the need to defend myself before anyone and even less before institutional justice, which I do not recognize as real. By the simple fact that I am here you will start asking me personal questions like: who do you know, who you do not know and with whom did you go on holiday, all things that irritate me because they are disproportionate to my imprisonment and to my detention over all this time, and I do not accept them. It would be different if you were to tell me that you knew something: we have this important element, so tell us why you did this, why did you did that, but according to the case file I feel that there are no facts to which I could refer.
And, from the moment that these do not exist I reverse the term, giving it the meaning of real incidents that I believe are the true causes of my persecution. If we make a flashback to 2009 regarding the Halandri case we find ourselves in a pre-election period when the regime of Neo Democratia was generally confused about the forthcoming elections, and it was in this confusion that this “anti-terrorist” operation was hurriedly set up. Back then, due to the government’s need to show an alleged presentation of what they had done, the operation was set up with the quick, spasmodic movements of the anti-terrorist force, resulting in our being here in this court today with no valid charges against any of us, and our being held in prison on no evidence whatsoever.
The general socio-political situation at that time was specific. The State was applying a repressive plan to the subversive parts of society. The Halandri case was the first in a series of attacks made according to this plan. Many attacks followed on stekia [anarchist places] and houses, a whole army of riot police were in Exarchia day and night, arresting even a fly that entered the area. Operations were set up, people were arrested, either actual members of revolutionary organizations, anarchist comrades or other people who were charged with cases that had been set up on their backs, with loose indictments. A number of these cases are blatant frameups, such as the case of comrade Aris Seirinidis, who was acquitted after spending a year in jail. This was a resounding plot, like a number of others recently.
These events occurred in a particular socio-political context within which our persecution and that of many other fighters is also placed, where in 2010 the number of political prisoners reached thirty at one point. This fact reveals the great need the State has to arm itself against future social explosions. By unleashing attacks on everything, strengthening its legal arsenal and changing the terrorist laws so that even anyone who participates in a dynamic demonstration can now be prosecuted with ‘’anti-terror’’ measures, because they dared to challenge and go out into the street.
I want to overthrow the existing system. Because only when power is defeated will we have real justice, and it will only be defeated when we all take a stand against it. That is my position: that of integrating myself in the broader anti-regime movement. This is a position that I have never denied, from the first instant of my prosecution until now. I think that the claimsof responsibility by some people involved in revolutionary organizations is a gesture that honours them especially, even although it could result in years in prison. I, for my part, have claimed what I am responsible for and this is nothing other than my own political identity. It was never a dilemma for me whether or not I would support this. It was something I had to do, as I would not offer myself up to the mechanisms of persecution from a position of neutrality. The reasons I want to disengage myself from this procedure are purely legal, i.e. based on the objective consistency of the alleged evidence and not creating a false profile that you would like me to promote. This is also the reason for my not bringing any documents concerning my studies. I do not intend to give my credentials to anyone.
Another thing I would add is that after being in prison for so long I have learned very well that the law only acknowledges one attitude in those designated as unlawful: that of the snitch, the one who whines, the one who victimizes herself. It’s amazing how many women I have seen released from prison after being arrested with infinite kilos of drugs, just because they “talked”, they gave people to the authorities… This is one of the examples demonstrating that the State even rewards with freedom snitches and attitudes of surrender, in contrast with those of decent people. Power envies dignity and constantly tries to eliminate it.
Coming back to the Halandri case, the only truth is that a pressure cooker was found in that house. From there on, the way that the police and the media handled this incident is a distortion of reality. Arrest warrants were issued for many people – but no one was ever invited to make a statement – with the unique excuse that some people had entered a house that was presented by the media as a den. The reasons are obvious, let’s not repeat them.
Halandri, as other cases, is part of the plan mentioned above, intended to intimidate the people that create the most dynamic part of this society and who will always play a key role in the socio-political scene with their active participation in wider struggles. The State always attempts to de-activate these people and not only them, the whole social network and any others who thought they could act subversively in any way. Because there is not just one way, there are many.
I think we can all understand, I urge you to think, how we have reached a situation today where a revolutionary organisation is tried with not one single member of it present in the court room. Apparently, the haste of the anti-terrorism force has led us to a court filled with irrelevant persons. So think a bit more about what the word ‘’terrorism’’ means exactly. I recognize that word, but I classify it as the meaning of the State and its criminal plans and nowhere else.
Now, about that arrest warrant and me not presenting myself to the authorities… So, one fine morning I heard on TV that I was wanted. Seeing the media’s lust and the development of a situation where people are going to prison with no evidence against them, disgusted by this scene, I left. I left for two reasons: first, so as not to be held in custody, because I was sure that this would happen; second, I could not accept the fact that they wanted me to become their prey, it is as though the State is telling you ‘’you’ve been chosen, I want to use you, I do not care, you are my opponent. I put you in prison and I will release you if I want to, if I don’t want to I will not’’. However, I could not tolerate it, that’s why I left, stating in my public letter that I would be present at the trial. Because is not easy to give up your life, your family, your everyday life from one day to the next.
I was arrested once in the past following one of the usual police pogroms in Exarchia houses, where they arrest people in order to enrich the police database. During this arrest they took my fingerprints, so I was available to fall into the hands of the police at any time and this has become clear with my present persecution and imprisonment. If it wasn’t for my fingerprints, I would now be one of the many of those who passed through the house in Halandri, but was never persecuted.
Now, regarding the process from the day I was arrested, I spent the first day in Balta’s interrogation office, which needed up to six hours to finally decide that on September 21 I was in the house in Halandri and that also on that day the [explosive] mechanism was being constructed. It was clear that even the head of surveillance, Hinopoulos, who testified as a prosecution witness, could not support the framed charges. Later the prosecutor Asprogerakas, agreeing to my pre-trial detention, issued a decree where he finally explained why my custody is not proportionate and listed the reasons why he believes so. So, according to the opinion of a man that has one opinion today and another tomorrow, I am here now; after 14 consecutive months of detention, after many meetings and appeals, after all this friction with the criminal mechanisms that determine freedom, and by extension life, as one or two votes of one or two people lead to many years’ imprisonment.
Terrorists are the three of you here that the law authorizes to decide the fate of the defendants in this court room. This is terrorism. I express my solidarity to the more than thirty political prisoners, a number that we haven’t seen in Greece since the Civil War.
It is within the framework of the era in which we are living, somewhere, that I place the nature of my persecution and imprisonment.
I do not have anything else to say.
prosecutor: Afterwards many things such as masks, goggles, gloves, and black materials were found? Did you ever see these?
NK: I did not see anything strange in this house at all, and because I remember the image of the house presented by the media, this thing, the huge mess where you walk in and everything is in an obvious place… I never came across such a situation there, and I visited the house frequently and remember how it looked. It is obvious that this whole thing was set up on purpose by the anti-terrorist force in order to transform the house into a ‘’lair’’.
Prosecuor: So these things were not in this house?
NK: I don’t know if the things were inside the house… but you certainly couldn’t see them.
prosecutor: Did you wear gloves when you went into the house at all?
NK: Do you have any idea of how many of my fingerprints were found in the house? I don’t usually wear gloves on a daily basis.
prosecutor: It is a fact though that a few things were found there?
NK: Look, in my view not everything in the world is a plot. From the moment that there are responsibility claims, how can I tell you that this is not true? From there to the way the case has evolved is another matter. It has evolved in a disproportionate way that’s far from reality.
prosecut.: Is it true that explosions are taking place?
NK: I do not dispute that actions take place, obviously there is an urban guerrilla.
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Posted on August 4, 2011
With faces sad and tired, with their characteristics pulled after their nightmare lasting several months but with dignity and determination in their look, the parents of those sentenced in the Conspiracy Cells of Fire case, welcomed on Wednesday relatives, friends, journalists and dozens of other people of all ages, eminent and not, that arrived in the room of ESIEA (Journalists’ Union of the Athens Daily Newspapers) for a press conference.
One week after the decision of the Three-member Court of appeals that sentenced from 11 to 25 years of imprisonment six of the nine accused, the parents and the advocates of those sentenced are not willing to give up. In the press conference they accused the court of a “political decision”, of ”inhumanity and vengefulness”, while they claimed one more time that the three explosions that did not cause an injury or death of anyone do not justify the total of 130 years of imprisonment that the court “shared out” to their children.
A dead silence prevailed in the room when with a shaking voice Mrs. Hadjimihelaki, mother of 19 yearold Haris Hadjimihelakis who was sentenced to 25 years of imprisonment, read the collective statement of the parents. “It was an unfair decision, callous, exhaustive, absurd, arbitrary, inhuman, vengeful. It was a decision that based on the nazi logic of collective responsibility, it targeted individuals based solely on their ideology”, said characteristically Mrs. Hadjimihelaki.
She added that ”the infamous ‘explosions’ are proven not to have caused any danger to a person and the testimonies of the witnesses absolutely clarified they were actions in the ‘sphere’ of political protest”. As for the results of the ‘explosions’, even through the expertise of the people of the responsible service, it was shown that it was firecrackers with a non standardized gunpowder, which can cause a deflagration and not an explosion”, she mentioned.
She left in the end political hints stressing that “Justice punishes brutally and mercilessly destroys young people with guesses and conclusions and not for actions. And leaves unpunished those involved in enormous political and economic scandals, which put at risk the lives of people and the constitutional structures of country”.
Now greece can sleep in peace. PASOK’S justice sentenced the 18yearold then Kostandina to 11years imprisonment with no proof, no evidence, not even based on her age. She may be the only political prisoner that is under 20 in the world. If there is another its probably in a country in banania.
They sentenced her at a trial that was between a court martial and an inquisition, without taking into consideration neither the witnesses nor all the evidence that shouted her innocence.
The crime: she did not conform, to the orders to not go to exarhia, to not fight for anything, to not have a political opinion, to bow the head and beg for lenience. The sentence had to be excruciating.
I dare all the judges, all of greece, especially Arsenis and Katseli, to show me what my child did, who she harmed, who she terrorized.
The accused her with no shame of being a terrorist at the age of 17. They are the terrorists and their subjects who have brought greeks to a desperate situation and are still out there free. All the gangs of robbers politicians who ridiculed the nation and imprisoned my child simply because she had the courage to stand up against them.
It couldn’t happen any other way. The decision had been made. The party had to show that it eliminated terrorism. The seats had to be saved.
I speak of course of Georges (Papandreou) party and co. This party has nothing to do with the Pasok of Andreas (Papandreou, father of george), Gennimatas, Merkouri, Tritsis (all ex leaders of Pasok), and all those who taught democracy, respect of the citizen and equal justice for all. We are speaking of a party of which its leader tries to cover up the corruption of his comrades with alleged investigations.
Why do they not make the same judges try Mantelis, Alogoskoufis, Simitis, Tsohatzopoulos, Rousopoulos, Papantoniou, Voulgarakis and all the others, just so we can see if they have the guts and balls to use the full length of the law and its sentences.
So your justice had to show its existence on my childs back?
Minister, because your new in this ministry and you haven’t been informed by your co-fighters Papoutsis, Kastanidis, Hrisohoidis, i will tell you: The crime these kids committed was that they dared to get fed up before all of us. And the people dared it.
The babies and their pots became a chant. Hundreds of thousands of people in squares were holding pots. Art honored them. A well known composer and singer sings: “C’mon my friend, grab a pot, and tell he kids to come one night and burn it all”, as a token of respect to those who did nothing for themselves, to those who mortgaged their youth behind bars and its no just the song.
Its all Greeks except for your people who are set and comfortable . This is the great crime they committed. They bothered the system, woke memories and chants we used years before the babies were born. You remember minister? Its the ones we chanted together with a lot of you in the streets and they are all current examples.”People youre starving, why are you bowing to them”, “Cops- pigs- murderers”, “Bread, education, freedom” and your comrade Papoutsis remembers them because he applied them word-to-word in the constitution. All that was missing was Dertilis tank. Therefore, now that Kostandina is in your fire range, you can walk the streets with no fear, the cafes, the stadiums, go out and admire a country, that only you could have brought this low.
It is my honor therefore, that my daughter did not make my mistake of belonging to cheap political parties.
I am proud that this is my child. The country of Digenis and Diakos, my country, today a country of traitors.
I would like to thank all those who respected my golgotha.
I thank all those who even got beaten up, in order to show their support to my child. I thank the witnesses, i thank the district attorney who even at the last minute realized where this trial was going and did what he could to save the kids from the guillotine.
The court might have sent 6 kids to the galleys, but it for sure it sent 600 kids to exarhia area Athens. Isn’t that so, Mikis (Theodorakis, singer)? We are two, we are three, we are a thousand thirteen.
To finish i would like to thank my friend for decades and advocate to my daughter, Nikos Kostandopoulos. I thank his daughter Zoi for defending my Nina as a sister and i ask of them, after they talk to my child, to do everything within the law. A bit later when everything is clearer and trials are clearly objective.
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First Fire Cells Conspiracy trial ends with severe sentences